October 2010

  • October 18, 2010
    The Supreme Court's landmark rulings on the Second Amendment provided little guidance to lower federal courts on how to interpret challenges to gun control regulations, authors of a new ACS Issue Brief maintain.

    In "The Standardless Second Amendment," Tina Mehr, an attorney fellow at the Los Angeles County District Attorney's Office, and Adam Winkler, a professor of law at UCLA School of Law, note, "Traditionally, the Supreme Court articulates a standard of review for lower courts to apply to laws burdening fundamental rights."

    But in D.C. v. Heller, where the Supreme Court found that owning a gun is an individual right protected by the Second Amendment, and then held that the right applies to the states in McDonald v. Chicago, the high court "declined to establish a clear standard or test for the Second Amendment," they write.

    Since Heller and McDonald, lower federal courts have dealt with more than 200 cases challenging gun control regulations, and while the courts methods for interpreting the laws have varied, most have been upheld as "public safety exceptions," that do not violate the Second Amendment, Mehr and Winkler write.

    But as the authors note, Justice Stephen Breyer's dissent in McDonald includes a prescient observation. Breyer predicted confusion among the federal courts, writing, "Does the right to possess weapons for self-defense extend outside the home? To the car? To work? What sort of guns are necessary for self-defense? Handguns? Rifles? Semiautomatic weapons?"

    See the authors' Issue Brief here. For more discussion on Second Amendment rights and gun control regulation, watch video of a recent ACS panel discussion here.

  • October 18, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Simon Lazarus, the Public Policy Counsel with the Federal Rights Project of the National Senior Citizens Law Center, author of the ACS issue brief, Mandatory Health Insurance: Is It Constitutional?, and a frequent contributor to the ACS Blog and other media.

    Understandably, some readers may be confused by media summaries of Florida Federal District Judge Roger Vinson's decision last Thursday, October 14, in the constitutional challenge by 20 Republican state attorneys general and governors to the health reform law (Affordable Care Act or ACA). In a (necessarily) somewhat complicated opinion, the judge dismissed four counts from the AGs' complaint but permitted two counts to proceed. This post will attempt briefly to clarify what the judge decided.

    In his decision, Judge Vinson differed with Judge Dana Sabraw of the Southern District of California, who on August 27 dismissed, on standing and ripeness grounds, a challenge to the ACA's minimum coverage provision, or "individual mandate," by a private advocacy group and individual members. Judge Sabraw, whose decision is now on appeal to the Ninth Circuit, denied these plaintiffs standing to sue because they had not demonstrated that, when the minimum coverage provision takes effect in 2014, they would fail to have insurance in keeping with its requirements. Judge Vinson held it unnecessary for the individual plaintiffs to make such a demonstration. He did not consider the question whether the AGs had standing to challenge the individual mandate, perhaps assuming that, if one among a group of plaintiffs has standing to pursue a common claim for non-monetary relief, they all have standing.

    On the merits, Judge Vinson curtly dismissed the AGs' claims on three counts:

    Their claim that the "employer mandate," equally applicable to private and public sector employers, violates states' 10th amendment "sovereignty" interests.

    Their claim that state sovereignty is infringed by ACA provisions that give states the option of establishing exchanges for marketing health insurance plans for individuals not covered by group plans, or letting the Federal government handle the job. He ruled that their "argument for this claim is directly foreclosed" by a 1981 Supreme Court decision upholding a similar optional arrangement for administration of the Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act.

    The claim that universal mandatory insurance violates individuals' due substantive due process rights under the 5th amendment. Since the post-New Deal "demise of substantive due process in the arena of economic regulation," he noted, such claims cannot stand against laws that, "the legislature could reasonably conclude," are "rationally related to a legitimate end" (except when linked to a right determined by the Supreme Court to be "fundamental"). Here, Judge Vinson stated: "Congress made factual findings in the Act and concluded that the individual mandate was ‘essential' to the insurance market reforms contained in the statute." This, he said, was enough to establish a "'rational basis justifying the individual mandate" (given that the right to determine how we pay for health care is not constitutionally "fundamental").

    The above three rulings constitute final decisions and on each the AGs' claims are out of the case, unless reinstated on appeal.

    On three issues Judge Vinson declined to dismiss the AGs' case at this juncture. These three issues, however, implicate core features of the ACA.

  • October 15, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Brandon L. Garrett, a professor at the University of Virginia School of Law and author of the forthcoming book, Convicting the Innocent: Where Criminal Prosecutions Go Wrong.
    This week the U.S. Supreme Court heard arguments in Skinner v. Switzer, concerning a request for DNA testing by an inmate, convicted of murders and on death row in Texas. Prosecutors have opposed the DNA tests and intend to proceed with an execution.

    Why does this scenario sound familiar? Because Hillary Swank is currently starring in a major motion picture about the true story of how Betty Anne Waters put herself through law school and fought for years to obtain DNA tests that ultimately proved her brother’s innocence?

    Because just last term the Court decided Osborne v. District Attorney’s Office, in which the state of Alaska successfully opposed DNA tests that it conceded could resolve the question of an inmate’s innocence?

    Because in 2006, the Court decided House v. Bell, in which a death row inmate sought relief based on evidence of innocence including DNA, and following the Court’s remand, he obtained DNA tests that led to his exoneration?

  • October 15, 2010
    Beyond needing judicial nominees confirmed to erase rising judicial vacancies, the Obama administration needs its judicial picks approved to help bring balance to a federal bench that is skewed heavily rightward, Tapped's Jamelle Bouie maintains.

    Citing yesterday's ruling by U.S. District Court Judge Roger Vinson, appointed by President Reagan, allowing a legal challenge to proceed against the administration's landmark health care reform law, Bouie writes:

    The key words here are "Reagan appointee." Besides being ridiculous, one of the side effects of the GOP's war on the judicial nomination process is that the federal judiciary remains slanted in favor of conservative ideas. Between Reagan, Bush, and George W. Bush, Republicans have had 20 years to put their stamp on the federal judiciary, and it's been successful. Liberals still have a chance to counteract that, but it depends on a more reasonable GOP (highly unlikely) or an administration willing to fight Republican obstruction on judicial nominations (slightly more likely).

    Although Judge Vinson wrote that his rejection of the government's motion to dismiss the lawsuit, brought by Florida Attorney General Bill McCollum, was not touching upon the constitutional questions involved, he did reveal sympathy for the argument that the reform's individual mandate is constitutionally suspect. The individual mandate provision of the health care reform law requires people to purchase health care insurance or pay a tax.

    In what The New York Times called a "foreboding ruling for the Obama administration," Judge Vinson called the individual mandate unprecedented. "Of course, to say that something is ‘novel' and ‘unprecedented' does not necessarily mean that it is ‘unconstitutional' and ‘improper.' There may be a first time for anything. But, at this stage of the case, the plaintiffs have most definitely stated a plausible claim."

    As noted during a press conference call yesterday, three other federal courts have issued decisions in lawsuits challenging the health care reform law, and all have supported the law. Simon Lazarus, public policy counsel for the National Senior Citizens Law Center, and author of an ACS Issue Brief on the individual mandate, noted that the recent ruling by a federal judge in Michigan flatly rejected the argument that the individual mandate exceeded Congress's constitutional authority. Audio of the press call, which was hosted by ACS and the Center for American Progress, is available here.

  • October 15, 2010

    Two recent Supreme Court cases that recognized an individual right under the Second Amendment have not had the revolutionary impact on gun rights that some envisioned, UCLA School of Law professor Adam Winkler said during an ACS panel discussion on gun regulation in the wake of District of Columbia v. Heller and McDonald v. City of Chicago.

    Some 200 federal court gun regulation decisions have come down since Heller and McDonald struck down gun bans in Washington, D.C. and Chicago, and not one has invalidated a law on the basis of the Second Amendment, Winkler said, although he noted that some settlements have resulted in changes to laws.

    "In many ways, Heller's bark was worse than its right," said Winkler, who coauthored a recent ACS Issue Brief on the Second Amendment.

    Moderator Jamal Greene, an associate professor at Columbia Law School, noted the history of the Second Amendment, which, until the 1980s, was understood as "implying a right to keep and bear arms in connection with the duties of a state militia. It was not understood to be an individual right or something that is justiciable as an individual right."

    Heller affirmed that there is an individual right to bear arms, Greene explained, but it did not announce a standard of review "or tell us very much about other gun laws that implicate rights."

    This was the challenge presented to the District of Columbia following Heller, explained Councilmember Mary Cheh, who represents Ward 3 on the D.C. Council, and is a professor at George Washington University School of Law.

    "What we did was adopt a series of regulations that probably are the strictest in the nation and might set us on this path of figuring out what's permissible and what's not permissible," Cheh explained.

    She said the key to passing new regulations was ensuring that written testimony, oral testimony or other evidence was available to justify the law in court.

    "Because we are the nation's capital, I think we are a special jurisdiction," Cheh said. "And I think we've done the best we can in terms of a legal challenge to insulate ourselves. Whether we prevail or not is going to be another question."

    Watch the full discussion below.