January 2010

  • January 13, 2010
    The Seattle Seahawks swift hiring of USC's Pete Carroll and its apparent short-shrift of the NFL's Rooney Rule, which is intended to diversify the League's head-coaching ranks, may actually work to strengthen the rule, writes Johnette Howard for ESPN.com. The Seattle Seahawks apparently had settled on Carroll and gave a cursory interview to the Viking's Assistant Head Coach/Defensive Coordinator Leslie Frazier (right).

    Howard notes that the Rooney Rule adopted by the NFL in 2002 after pressure from prominent attorneys, the late Johnnie L. Cochran Jr., civil rights attorney Cyrus Mehri, and labor economist Dr. Janice Madden, has continued to be bolstered by outside pressure. (Including an Issue Brief released by ACS.)

    Howard writes:

    A watchdog group, the Fritz Pollard Alliance [for which Mehri serves as counsel], now monitors how well teams comply, along with the NFL. The same group - buttressed by a persuasive argument that attorney Douglas Proxmire published in a December 2008 paper for the American Constitution Society for Law and Policy - succeeded just months ago in getting the NFL to extend the Rooney Rule to hiring of general managers and other front-office personnel.

    The Seahawks case should be another pivot point. More pressure needs to be exerted on [NFL commissioner] Goodell now.

    In his ACS Issue Brief, "Coaching Diversity: The Rooney Rule, Its Application and Ideas for Expansion," Proxmire noted the 2002 report co-authored by Cochran, Mehri and Madden, detailing the NFL's hiring and firing practices over the previous 15 seasons. Their report, Proxmire wrote led "to an obvious, but disconcerting conclusion: despite an overall better record than their white counterparts, black coaches had a difficult time getting hired, and once hired, black head coaches were fired before their white counterparts." Proxmire also urged the NFL to strengthen the Rooney Rule by extending it to cover front-office vacancies. Last summer, Commissioner Roger Goodell announced that the League would indeed require NFL teams to interview more minority candidates for front-office openings.

  • January 13, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Michael McCann, professor of sports law and antitrust at Vermont Law School and legal analyst at Sports Illustrated

    I would like to begin by thanking the American Constitution Society for the opportunity to share my thoughts on American Needle v. NFL, 129 S. Ct. 2859 (2009), oral arguments for which will be heard by the U.S. Supreme Court later today.

    American Needle represents a crucial moment in sports law. The case concerns whether the NFL and its teams-and by extension similar professional sports leagues and their teams-should be considered a "single entity" for purposes of federal antitrust law. As a single entity, a league would be exempt from Section 1 of the Sherman Act, which bars collaborations by competitors that unduly harm competition and consumers.

    In the case of a league like the NFL (or the NBA or NHL), the respective teams are independently-owned and they compete both on and off the field. Put another way, teams resemble competitors and thus, per Section 1, their collaborations are presumably subject to Section 1 scrutiny. Subjecting collaborations to Section 1 scrutiny does not necessarily mean those collaborations violate Section 1; many types of collaborations by NFL teams, such as game rules or various procedures for league operations, promote competition and satisfy Section1 scrutiny. Other types of collaborations, however, such as an exclusive licensing contract between every team and one clothing company, could prove more anti-competitive than pro-competitive. Exclusive contracts in sports can limit competition in ways that raise prices and reduce consumer choices.

    According to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, whether an exclusive contract for licensed NFL apparel promotes or hurts competition is not an appropriate question for a court. In American Needle v. NFL, 538 F.3d 736 (7th Cir. 2008), the Seventh Circuit reasoned that, at least for purposes of apparel sales, the NFL and its teams are not competitors-they are part of a single entity known as the NFL. A single entity cannot compete with itself, and thus cannot be subject to Section 1. Therefore, in the Seventh Circuit's view, the NFL and its teams can enter into an exclusive contract for licensed NFL apparel with one company (in this case Reebok) without any scrutiny under Section 1 -- even if, by preventing competition from other companies (in this case American Needle), the exclusive contract is arguably anticompetitive.

    Other U.S. Courts of Appeals have rejected the Seventh Circuit's single entity analysis, instead concluding that the NFL and its teams are part of a joint venture, which is an association of competitors for a business purpose and which is subject to Section 1 scrutiny. Examples of joint ventures include stock exchanges, credit card networks, and, until American Needle, professional sports leagues. Characterization of professional sports leagues as joint ventures has seemed sensible given the Supreme Court's limitation of single entity recognition in Copperweld Corp. v. Independence Tube Corp., 467 U.S. 752 (1984). Specifically, the Copperweld Court limited single entity recognition to parents and wholly-owned subsidiaries, a business relationship that clearly does not reflect the NFL and its independently-owned and often competing teams-several owners of which, including Al Davis and Jerry Jones, have waged litigations with the NFL.

  • January 12, 2010
    A state judge in Kansas is considering whether to allow the confessed killer of Wichita physician George Tiller to argue that his killing was voluntary manslaughter instead of first-degree murder. Today, Prosecutors filed a motion urging Sedgwick County Judge Warren Wilbert (right) to bar Scott Roeder from arguing he is only guilty of voluntary manslaughter. Pursuant to Kansas law, voluntary manslaughter is the "unreasonable but honest belief that circumstances existed that justified deadly force." Roeder's attorneys are arguing that the killing was a justifiable act. "In the mind of Mr. Roeder," defense attorneys asserted, "the victim presented a clear danger to unborn children."

    The Wichita Eagle reported prosecutors argued that the jury "should consider only whether the killing was premeditated." When Judge Wilbert ruled last week that he would consider allowing Roeder to use voluntary manslaughter as a defense, concern was raised among other health care providers. Dr. Warren Hern of Colorado told The Associated Press, "This judge has basically announced a death sentence for all of us who help women. That is the effect of this ruling."

    Feminist Majority Foundation leader Katherine Spillar called Wilbert's action a "perplexing decision" that amounted to a "back-door permission for admitted killer Scott Roeder to use a ‘justifiable homicide' defense that is both un-justifiable and unconscionable."

  • January 12, 2010

    Sen. Arlen Specter previously indicated that he was opposed to President Barack Obama's nomination of Dawn Johnsen to head the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel (OLC). MainJustice's Andrew Ramonas just reported that Specter has had a change of heart.

    "After voting ‘pass' [which means no position] in the Judiciary Committee, I had a second extensive meeting with Ms. Johnsen and have been prepared to support her nomination when it reaches the Senate floor," Specter said in statement. 

    The nomination of Johnsen, a former ACS board member, now appears to have the support of 60 senators, including Republican Sen. Richard Lugar, (potentially dependent upon the results of next week's special election in Massachusettes.) Specter's new position was made public following an attack by his primary challenger, Rep. Joe Sestak, in which Sestak faulted Specter for Johnsen's nomination remaining in limbo.

  • January 12, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Rajdeep Singh, Director of Law and Policy at The Sikh Coalition

    In February 2010, the Oregon legislature will have a historic opportunity to repeal ORS 342.650, a state law that forbids public school teachers from wearing religious dress in the classroom.

    According to press reports and historical literature published by the State of Oregon about its own history, ORS 342.650 originated in the 1920s as an anti-Catholic measure and was supported by the Ku Klux Klan at a time of overt hostility toward racial and religious minorities. Other laws enacted by the Oregon legislature during this period included the Compulsory Education Act (a measure designed to close parochial schools) and the Alien Property Act of 1923 (a law that prohibited Japanese immigrants from purchasing or leasing land in Oregon). Although two of these laws have since been repealed, ORS 342.650 is still enforced against religious minorities, including observant Sikhs who wear dastaars (turbans); observant Muslims who wear hijabs (headscarves); and observant Jews who wear yarmulkes (headcoverings).

    Although some supporters of the status quo argue that ORS 342.650 protects students from religious indoctrination, Oregon appears to be one of only three states in the country (including Nebraska and Pennsylvania) that continue to impose such stringent restrictions on public school teachers. This is prima facie evidence that ORS 342.650 is a ‘blunt instrument' and that a less restrictive balance can be struck between the state's interest in promoting religious neutrality and its obligation to protect civil rights. The case for repealing it was bolstered last November when two key state agencies-Oregon's Bureau of Labor and Industries, and the Oregon Department of Education-issued a joint memorandum urging repeal.