April 2009

  • April 25, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Mark A. Posner, Senior Fellow, Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law; Former Special Sec. 5 Counsel, Civil Rights Division, U.S. Department of Justice

    On April 29, 2009, the Supreme Court will hear oral argument in Northwest Austin Municipal Utility District Number One v. Holder, a case challenging the constitutionality of Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. [Section 5 is found at 42 USC 1973c.] The Court's decision, expected in late June, will be one of its most important this term. The Voting Rights Act has had a transformative effect on political participation in this country, and Section 5, as the Court previously has recognized, lies at the "heart" of this landmark legislation.

    Section 5 requires certain jurisdictions with a history of voting discrimination to obtain federal preclearance, from either the Justice Department or the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, before implementing any change in a voting practice or procedure. Preclearance is obtained by demonstrating that the change does not have a discriminatory purpose or effect. The covered jurisdictions include all or parts of 16 states located primarily in the South and Southwest.

    On four previous occasions the Supreme Court has upheld Section 5, first following its enactment in 1965 and then after its reauthorization in 1970, 1975, and 1982. In 2006, overwhelming bipartisan majorities in both the House and Senate voted to once again reauthorize the statute, until 2031. The utility district filed suit shortly after the bill was signed into law, and a three-judge panel of the D.C. District Court unanimously found the reauthorization to be constitutional. [557 F. Supp. 2d 9 (2008).] The utility district then appealed to the Supreme Court.

    The plaintiff is a small tax district located in suburban Austin, Texas with an elected board of directors. The entire State of Texas is covered by Section 5 due to the state's extensive history of discrimination and the utility district, accordingly, is subject to the preclearance requirement, though its Section 5 history largely has involved obtaining preclearance for only a few polling place changes. The defendant is the Attorney General, joined by seven groups of defendant-intervenors represented by a "who's who" of civil rights organizations, including the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund (LDF), the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF), and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). Eighteen amicus briefs have been filed in support of defendant-appellees, six have been filed for plaintiff-appellant, and two favor neither side. Notably, several covered states submitted a joint brief in support of Section 5, but none filed in opposition.

  • April 24, 2009

    Recently on the Rachel Maddow show, Slate's Dahlia Lithwick weighed in on the issues being raised by those obstructing Dawn Johnsen's nomination to lead the DOJ's Office of Legal Counsel.

     

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  • April 24, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Larry Schwartztol, a staff attorney in the American Civil Liberties Union's National Security Project. Schwartztol is one of the lawyers litigating a challenge to the FISA Amendments Act.

    Last week the New York Times broke a story that came as no surprise: when armed with expansive dragnet surveillance authority that lacks meaningful safeguards, the government will intercept huge numbers of private, domestic communications between Americans. What's worse, the government seems to acknowledge the likelihood of such overreaching surveillance, but believes that through trial and error it will eventually solve the problem-notwithstanding the constitutional violations committed in the meantime.

    How Did We Get Here?

    The recent revelations involve surveillance implemented under the FISA Amendments Act (FAA), which went into law last July. The FAA is the latest attempt to provide legislative approval to some of the surveillance tactics the government implemented secretly until 2005, when the existence of the National Security Agency (NSA) warrantless wiretapping program was uncovered (by the same two Times journalists who wrote last week's piece).

    Normally, before it can wiretap a suspected criminal, terrorist or spy, the government must show probable cause to believe the surveillance target is engaging in unlawful activity or acting for a "foreign power" or terrorist organization, and it must specify the "facilities" (e.g., phone number) it will tap into. Not so under the FAA: the government can now engage in sweeping, suspicion-less surveillance programs with only the most minimal judicial oversight.

  • April 23, 2009

    Jon Stewart assessed the Bush Justice Department's torture memos recently released by the Obama administration. Stewart's wry look at the extremely controversial interrogation tactics may be worth a view.

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  • April 23, 2009

    U.S. Sens. Bob Menedez and Richard Durbin are promoting legislation that would allow states to ease barriers to college for thousands of undocumented students.

    U.S. News & World Report says:

    The Dream Act would allow students who have lived in the country since age 15 to apply for conditional legal residence after graduating from high school. They would then be able to work and pay in-state college tuition rates. Those who attend college or join the military could ultimately become citizens.