ACSBlog

  • February 7, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    In a striking, though perhaps short-lived, victory for marriage equality, a federal appeals court panel invalidated California’s infamous Proposition 8, a ballot initiative that had overturned same-sex marriage in the state.

    The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit ruled 2 -1 today that the anti-equality measure “served no purpose, and no effect, other than to lessen the status and human dignity of gays and lesbians,” the Los Angeles Times reports. The Ninth Circuit majority concluded that Prop. 8  subverts the U.S. Constitution’s equal protection clause.

    Prop. 8 was passed, with the backing of religious right organizations, not long after the California Supreme Court ruled that a right to wed could not be denied to same-sex couples, and that doing so would violate the equal protection rights of lesbians and gay men. Prop. 8 amended the state constitution to bar same-sex marriage.

    The majority opinion in Perry v. Brown, written by Judge Stephen Reinhardt (pictured) upheld a lower federal court ruling by retired federal judge, Vaughn R. Walker, which invalidated Prop. 8.

    “Proposition 8 worked a singular and limited change to the California Constitution: it stripped same-sex couples of the right to have their committed relationships recognized by the State with the designation of ‘marriage,’ which the state constitution had previously guaranteed them, while leaving in place all of their other rights and responsibilities as partners – rights and responsibilities that are identical to those of married spouses and form an integral part of the marriage relationship,” Reinhardt wrote.

    Prop. 8 also resulted in an ignoble state constitutional rule that protected marriage only for straight couples, Reinhardt said.

    “In adopting the amendment, the People simply took the designation of ‘marriage’ away from lifelong same-sex partnerships, and with it the State’s authorization of that official status and the societal approval that comes with it,” Reinhardt wrote.

  • February 7, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    A forthcoming study says the U.S. Constitution may not be the model charter it once was, and suggests other governing documents, such as the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, may be more inspirational to people seeking to secure liberty and equality.

    As The New York Times’ Adam Liptak puts it, the U.S. Constitution “has seen better days,” and “its influence is waning.” Liptak bases his observations on a forthcoming study by Washington University Law School Professor David Stephen Law and University of Virginia Law School Professor Mila Versteeg. Liptak describes the study as bristling with data and says the professors conclude, “Among the world’s democracies, constitutional similarity to the United States has clearly gone into free fall.”

    The reporter says there are numerous reasons for the Constitution’s waning influence, including its “terse and old” language, and the fact that it “guarantees relatively few rights.”

    He also notes that at least one of this country’s Supreme Court justices has recognized the Constitution’s faltering influence. Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg said recently during a visit to Egypt that she “would not look to the United States Constitution if I were drafting a constitution in the year 2012.”

    Liptak also cites a 2002 Harvard Law Review article by former Israeli Supreme Court president Aharon Barak, who wrote that the Constitution’s declining “global stature” has coincided with a diminished view of the U.S. Supreme Court “among courts in modern democracies.” Barak also wrote that Canadian law “serves as a source of the inspiration for many countries around the world.”

    The study by Law and Versteeg also notes the rising influence of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, which as Liptak points out “is both more expansive and less absolute” than the U.S. Constitution.

    Indeed the Canadian charter’s language on equality is broader than America’s Constitution, stating that “Ever individual is equal before and under the law and has the right to the equal protection and equal benefit of the law without discrimination and, in particular, without discrimination based on race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or mental or physical disability.” Additionally the charter notes that the equality provision does not prevent the government from taking action to improve the “conditions of disadvantaged individuals or groups including those that are disadvantaged because of race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or mental or physical disability.”

  • February 6, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Judith L. Lichtman one of the nation’s leading -- and most successful -- advocates for equality says she has no intention of ceasing the work she loves anytime soon. And that is tremendous news for a nation where inequalities still loom large.

    In an interview with Kathryn Alfisi for Washington Lawyer, Lichtman (pictured) provides insight into her decades-long career of fighting pervasive racial and gender discrimination, as well as income inequality. She entered law school in the 1960s, which was not at any easy endeavor for women because of deeply held prejudices, and she faced hazing for it.

    Not terribly long after graduation, Lichtman launched what would become a tireless career as a civil rights activist. She started out investigating segregation and other forms of racial discrimination in southern cities.

    “Despite the requirements to integrate public accommodations in Title II of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, there remained many places where public accommodations were segregated,” Lichtman said. “We definitely needed to be cautious during the spring and summer of 1966. One could see segregation all around.”

    Later, Lichtman, a member of the ACS Board, would join the Women’s Legal Defense Fund, now the National Partnership for Women & Families, as its executive director. There she oversaw several landmark achievements, including the passage of the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA) during President Bill Clinton’s first few weeks in office.

    It took, Lichtman recalls, nearly nine years to enact FMLA.

    “We Americans always like to say that we’re a family friendly nation, but for that to be true, people need to be able to take time off for medical needs without fear of losing their jobs,” she said. “We were vilified at that time as really being social engineers, but today we estimate that FMLA has been used more than a 100 million times and is wildly popular.”

  • February 6, 2012

    by Nicole Flatow

    Around the country, an alarming rate of vacancies on our federal courts is leading to “exasperating delays for all parties involved,” writes former U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit Judge Timothy K. Lewis in The Philadelphia Inquirer.

    “As a former federal judge, I know the toll this persistently high vacancy rate takes on our courts,” writes Lewis, who is now counsel at Schnader Harrison Segal & Lewis. “Federal judges have reported being forced to handle criminal caseloads more than double what they confronted just two years ago. This, in turn, is limiting the access people have to the judicial system.”

    Much of the problem is caused by unprecedented Senate obstruction – there are now 41 judicial nominees awaiting Senate action and some Republicans are threatening to hold up votes on every nominee. But in Pennsylvania, Lewis notes, there is a different problem: There are six vacancies on Pennsylvania’s district courts, and none of them have a nominee. Before the president can make a nomination, the state’s senators must submit names for the White House’s consideration, and Pennsylvania’s senators, Bob Casey and Pat Toomey, have not yet done so.

    “So long as the senators do not submit names, the process cannot move forward - and the seats remain empty,” Lewis writes. “Casey and Toomey have a good working relationship, and they have indicated that they are working on identifying appropriate judicial nominees. But it is long past time that they make this issue a higher priority.”

    Visit JudicialNominations.org to learn more and follow developments. 

  • February 6, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    A gaggle of senators, typically given to grousing about so-called activist judges, is agitating for court intervention into the president’s recent recess appointments, which The Atlantic’s Andrew Cohen highlights for its hypocrisy.

    As Cohen notes, Sens. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), John Cornyn (R-Texas), Orrin Hatch (R-Utah), Tom Coburn (R-Okla.), Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) and Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) agreed to join other senators in filing a “friend of the court brief in support of the federal legal challenges to President Obama’s recess appointments of Richard Cordray to head the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, and three selections to the National Labor Relations Board. On Friday the senators issued a letter about their intent to file the brief, which will argue that the appointments are unconstitutional.

    All of those senators, members of the Senate Judiciary Committee, have at one time or another expressed outrage over judges who supposedly legislate from the bench. So Cohen finds “something deliciously hypocritical” of their call for a federal court to take action and nullify the president’s recess appointments.  

    Cohen has some advice on how Democrats should respond to the Republicans’ call for judicial action over the administration’s recess appointments, writing, “If I were a Democrat in the Senate, or a White House tribune, I would be responding to the GOP lawsuit letter by loudly doubling down on the concept of having judges determine political procedure. Republicans want the courts involved in recess appointments? Fine. Then they should embrace the notion that the federal courts ought to decide whether the filibuster is constitutional was well. After all, it has less explicit constitutional support than a recess appointment, does it not?”

    Since it is likely that the Republican senators do not actually want judges determining the constitutionality of recess appointments or wading into the Senate’s use of the filibuster, they might more seriously focus on reforming procedure. Indeed it was the Senate Republican’s stalling tactics on Cordray’s nomination and the selections to the NLRB that prompted the recess appointments.