ACSBlog

  • June 19, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    In a final discussion about marriage equality at the 2013 ACS National Convention, Paul M. Smith, a longtime Supreme Court litigant, discussed why he thinks in the long run marriage equality will win the day across the country.

    Smith (pictured) successfully argued before the Supreme Court against a Texas sodomy law resulting in the landmark Lawrence v. Texas opinion. That opinion, among at least one other high court opinion, has helped advance equality for the LGBT community. The two cases before the Supreme Court – Hollingsworth v. Perry and U.S. v. Windsor center squarely on the constitutionality of same-sex marriage. But in both cases the high court has ways to avoid going too far. In Perry, the case raising constitutional challenges to California’s Proposition 8 could be dismissed on standing grounds or it could be narrowly tailored to only affect that state. In Windsor, the justices could invalidate the so-called Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) on federalism grounds and not address whether laws targeting LGBT persons for discriminatory treatment subvert the Constitution’s equal protection clause.

    Smith, a longtime proponent of equality, talked with me about why he thinks it may be appropriate for the high court to avoid a finding that would require all states to recognize same-sex marriages.

    Regarding Windsor, the case involving DOMA, Smith said his “expectation is that the Court will probably reach the merits in the DOMA case and hold it unconstitutional. It’s possible though that they there may not be five votes to hold it unconstitutional under the equal protection clause. Instead Justice Kennedy seemed to be interested more in federalism arguments. My own view about that is -- that would be fine. If the law goes away, the law goes away and a whole lot of happy couples will be able to be treated as fully married by their own federal government. And that would be huge progress.”

    He continued, “In terms of Perry, if I were a justice I would probably not decide all 50 states have to marry same-sex couples this year. The change that is happening in public opinion is so dramatic, the political changes that are sweeping the country are so dramatic that I think the Court is a part of that process; it played a great role in getting it started with the Lawrence decision and others. But they have ways of being a part of it without taking it all the way to the finish line. And I think they would prefer to do it that way, and I don’t tend to disagree with them. I know that many younger people who would think that is crazy; that there is no reason why the Court shouldn’t do what’s right, right now. And I certainly think that the right answer in the long run will be that there should be marriage equality mandated by the federal Constitution.”

    Smith and Mary Bonauto, of the Gay & Lesbian Advocates & Defenders (GLAD), provide more detail on federalism and marriage equality in this guest post. Watch the brief interview with Smith below or visit here.

  • June 19, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    If the U.S. Supreme Court avoids a sweeping opinion in Hollingsworth v. Perry, the Proposition 8 case, Indiana University Maurer School of Law Professor Steve Sanders says he hopes civil rights groups will focus on protecting the rights of the thousands of legally married same-sex couples.

    During the 2013 ACS Convention, Sanders (pictured) spoke with me about Hollingsworth and U.S. v. Windsor, the case including constitutional challenges to the so-called Defense of Marriage Act.

    “It really did seem like the justices, both the conservatives and the liberals, were reaching for a way to avoid having to take on the central issues in those cases -- what do the equal protection clause and the due process clauses mean for gays and lesbians, what do they mean for marriage equality, Sanders said. “This many years after Loving v. Virginia, why are we still groping around in the dark as to what the contours are of the fundamental right to marry as provided in the Constitution.”

    He continued, “Assuming that the Court does not settle the meaning of marriage – same-sex marriage – for the entire country, assuming the Court doesn’t give us a substantive understanding of the meaning of equal protection or due process for same-sex couples in these cases, I have some thoughts about what the next wave of marriage equality litigation should look like.”

    Sanders says there are two components to marriage equality – the right of same-sex couples to wed and the right to stay married. There are already thousands of legally married same-sex couples and many of them move to other states, of which more than 30 ban same-sex marriage thereby voiding those marriages. “I think that’s a problem, I think that’s even more offensive than being prohibited from marrying the person you love. Those people have acquired vested rights and expectation interests in the ongoing nature of their marriages.”

    Sanders believes that once married those same-sex couples acquire a “liberty interest in the ongoing existence of that marriage that the state can’t take away. And if a state asserts interests in privileging heterosexual marriage those interests have to be weighed against the interests of a couple that is having something real and tangible taken away from them,” he said.

    That’s a problem, which Sanders says the national civil liberties and gay rights groups should address. Watch the full interview below or visit this link.

  • June 18, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    As the U.S. Supreme Court prepares to issue opinions in two cases involving questions of marriage equality, San Francisco City Attorney Dennis Herrera talked with me about his office’s role in challenging discriminatory laws in California that resulted in the federal constitutional challenge to the state’s Proposition 8.

    In Hollingsworth v. Perry, the high court is considering constitutional challenges to Proposition 8, which bars California from recognizing same-sex marriages. The justices could avoid the constitutional questions if it were to dismiss the case on procedural grounds.

    Herrera (pictured) during the 2013 ACS National Convention discussed why the San Francisco Attorney’s Office so aggressively challenged the state’s laws discriminating against lesbians and gay men and why he does not favor an incremental approach to securing marriage equality.

    In the interview Herrera explains how his office helped spark the legal battle that eventually put Proposition 8 before the high court.

    “It has been an honor and privilege for our office to have been involved in what is the civil rights issue of our time,” Herrera said. “And we like to think that our involvement at least played some role in really moving the debate and contributing to the tremendous progress that we have seen, with incredible rapidity over the course of the last several years on the issue of marriage equality.”

    When asked whether the Supreme Court should avoid an opinion that would make all state bans on same-sex marriage constitutionally suspect, Herrera strongly supported an approach that would more quickly lead to marriage equality from coast to coast.

    “I do not think we should be in the position of abiding discrimination,” he said. “And I think we’ve been quite clear that we think everybody is entitled to equal protection under the law irrespective of sexual orientation.”  

    Herrera continued, “It’s about being on the right side of history, it’s about making sure that everybody is entitled to equal protection under the law. And I think that while there’s a political process going on it was a direct result of strong legal arguments and views that were made known. So I’m not one who, at least at this point, thinks that an incremental approach is something we need to follow. I think it’s time we deal with this issue once and for all.”

    Watch entire interview below or visit this link.

  • June 18, 2013
    Guest Post

    by G. Ben Cohen. Mr. Cohen is OF COUNSEL at The Capital Appeals Project. Cohen was VISITING LITIGATION COUNSEL at the Charles Hamilton Houston Institute in 2011.

    On April 29, 2013, after briefing and oral argument on whether the State’s failure to fund counsel for a defendant should be weighed against the state for speedy trial purposes, five Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court turned a blind eye in Boyer v. Louisiana to the funding crisis in Louisiana’s public defender system and declined to address the seven year wait between Jonathan Boyer’s arrest and trial. On Boyer’s heels comes another case underscoring the unconscionable harms of the Bayou State’s decimated criminal justice system – which has depended on traffic tickets to fund the defense function.

    On June 20, 2013 the Supreme Court will decide whether to grant certiorari in Michael Garcia v. Louisiana.  The public defender office could not afford to adequately provide separate capital representation to Mr. Garcia and his two co-defendants.  By law, however, the Public Defender could not represent all three defendants himself.  Even the prosecutor informed the trial court at Mr. Garcia’s very first hearing that the multiple representation might pose a conflict of interest, but the judge left the Public Defender to work it out. 

    The Public Defender assigned all the capitally-certified attorneys from his office, including himself, to represent Mr. Garcia, and assigned lawyers who were not certified to represent defendants facing the death penalty to represent the two co-defendants. This refusal to hire outside counsel saved the public defender office from going bankrupt.  It also prevented the state from seeking death against the two other defendants.  But it meant that Mr. Garcia’s lawyer chose him as the only defendant against whom the State could seek the death penalty.

  • June 18, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    As some Senate Republicans continue to argue for removal of judgeships from the powerful U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, Sen. Judiciary Chairman Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) is pushing forward for consideration of President Obama’s recent nominations to fill three vacancies on the Court.

    Sen. Leahy announced yesterday that he is planning for a July 10 hearing before the Committee to consider one of the president’s nominees Patricia Ann Millett, a longtime appellate attorney who has earned the ABA’s highest rating. In announcing the hearing, Leahy took on Republicans’ claims that the D.C. Circuit has a light caseload and that the three current vacancies do not need to be filled. Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) has introduced a bill to strip judgeships from the D.C. Circuit and move them to other federal appeals court circuits. As the Constitutional Accountability Center has noted, Grassley’s measure has nothing to do with careful restructuring of the federal appeals court bench, and everything to do with obstructionism.

    Leahy’s June 17 statement noted that some of the same Republicans now calling for judgeships to be stripped from the D.C. Circuit argued during George W. Bush’s administration the Circuit “should have 11 judgeships” and they voted to confirm his nominees for the “ninth, tenth, and eleventh seats ….” Leahy then ticked off a number of judicial nominations to other federal appeals courts that Republicans slow-walked, showing no concern about caseloads for those courts.

    “The American people are not fooled,” Leahy said. “Senate Republicans are playing by different rules. In the past 30 years, Republican presidents have appointed 15 of the last 19 judges named to the D.C. Circuit. Now that these three vacancies exist during a Democratic presidency, Senate Republicans are trying to use legislation to lock in their partisan advantage.”

    That advantage has served the interests of the Republican Party. As the D.C. Circuit is currently situated, it has a decisively right-wing tilt and has issued opinions harmful to workers’ rights, the environment and one widely panned opinion on the president’s power to use recess appointments to fill judicial and executive branch vacancies. That opinion, in Noel Canning v. NLRB, has been appealed by the administration.