ACSBlog

  • May 29, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The Senate’s obstructionists, meaning the Republican caucus, are urging the U.S. Supreme Court to review and uphold a federal appeals court decision that greatly narrowed or rewrote the president’s power to make recess appointments.

    And that’s not terribly surprising. The case involves vacant seats on the National Labor Relations Board, an agency that Senate Republicans have fought to keep business friendly or inoperative. Republicans have convinced themselves that the NLRB, which was created to protect both rights of workers and employers, is all about making life tough on corporate America. The Senate Republicans are of course deluded, but consistent in their support of the powerful. (The Supreme Court could decide this summer to take the case for review.)

    In January, a three-judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit in Noel Canning v. NLRB held that President Obama ran afoul the Constitution when he appointed Sharon Block and Richard Griffin to vacant seats on the five-member agency during a 20-day recess of Congress. Obama made the appointments after Republicans continued to stall on considering the nominations. Article II, Section 2 of the Constitution grants the president authority to make recess appointments. The D.C. Circuit’s opinion was crafted by three-Republican appointees and was widely panned by legal scholars, noting that presidents have for a century used recess appointments to fill executive and judicial vacancies to help keep the government functioning. Also, as Ohio State University law school professor Peter Shane has pointed out, three other federal courts of appeals have ruled the other way, upholding the presidents’ recess appointment powers. (Another federal appeals court, however, has followed the wobbly D.C. Circuit’s opinion, so there is a split among the circuits, which heightens the chance the U.S. Supreme Court will jump into the mix and take Canning for review.)

    In a brief urging the high court to take Canning, 45 Republican senators argued that the D.C. Circuit’s opinion should be upheld. Such appointments, the brief states “have become a means to sidestep Senate confirmation.” They added, “In any case, the President himself has made clear that he will resort to recess appointments, and indeed has done so, precisely to circumvent perceived Senate opposition.” See Sahil Kapur’s reporting on the GOP brief.

    But there is nothing perceived about the opposition Republicans have mounted to hamstring the NLRB and for that matter greatly slow the efforts of the president to fill vacancies on the federal bench, which has resulted in a crisis on the bench with vacancies hovering around 80.

    Today, the Constitutional Accountability Center weighed in on the side of the Obama administration, which has asked the high court to take the case and reverse the D.C. Circuit.

  • May 29, 2013
    Guest Post

    by Sam Kleiner, a law student at Yale Law School and member of the ACS Yale Law School Chapter.

    In his widely-noted speech at the Oxford Union, Harold Koh (pictured) invited us to imagine a different response to September 11. It's easy to think that the path taken by the Bush administration was driven by a pre-destined sense of necessity, and Koh's invocation of a President Gore (a timely counter-factual with Justice Sandra Day O'Connor's musings on that election and the Supreme Court’s involvement), offers an alternative/hypothetical response in the time-tested law enforcement approach.

    At Lawfare, Ben Wittes defends the Bush administration’s record as oriented on a law enforcement approach. Koh argued that the Obama administration's approach "combined a Law of War approach with Law Enforcement and other approaches to bring all available tools to bear against Al Qaeda" and Wittes countered that this description fit the Bush administration's approach. 

    Contrary to Wittes’ attempt to frame the Bush administration as focused on law enforcement, President Bush specifically rejected this approach and attacked candidate John Kerry for suggesting this path forward. In 2004, when Kerry emphasized his background as a prosecutor and urged that terrorism be considered through a law enforcement lens until it became a "nuisance," Bush attacked him vehemently. Kerry argued for an approach that was, "less of a military operation and far more of an intelligence-gathering law enforcement operation." Bush responded: "I disagree -- strongly disagree. … After the chaos and carnage of September the 11th, it is not enough to serve our enemies with legal papers. With those attacks, the terrorists and their supporters declared war on the United States of America, and war is what they got." Wittes boasts of a more restrained argument from the Bush administration and he cites a 2006 speech by John Bellinger and a Bush administration brief filed in Boumediene (after losing hugely in RasulHamdi and Hamdan), of a more restrained vision of the war on terrorism. Bush did move away from the GWOT framing in his second term largely because he had been thwarted by the courts and Congress. What Koh invites us to ponder -  and Wittes fails to comprehend - is that you could have had a response to 9/11 that started with a deeply powerful law and order framework rather than heading down the rabbit hole by making outlandish claims of unilateral executive power that threatened constitutional order. By 2006, it was too little too late.

  • May 28, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Some beltway pundits have long-pleaded with the Obama administration to “flood-the zone,” Washington-speak – in this instance – for making a lot more nominations all at once to the federal bench.

    These pundits may have a bit to celebrate if President Obama puts forth three nominations to vacant seats on the 11-member U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit, as The New York Times reports may happen soon. That Court noted here often, is one of the more powerful among the appeals circuit courts, in part, because of the myriad and weighty constitutional concerns it rules on, many of which center on federal regulations. As The Times and many others have pointed out the D.C. Circuit has tilted rightward, thanks in part to the fact that an overwhelming majority of its senior judges are Republican-appointees. The Times noted the D.C. Circuit “has overturned major parts of the president’s agenda in the last four years, on regulations covering Wall Street, the environment, tobacco, labor unions and workers’ rights.”

    The Times reports that the potential nominees -- the White House would not comment on nominations not yet made – include three “experienced lawyers who would be unlikely to generate controversy individually.”

    But Sen. Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) and Senate Judiciary Committee Ranking Member Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) despite their protestations to the contrary have worked to stall or scuttle too many of the president’s judicial and executive branch nominations. The D.C. Circuit, at the moment is a business friendly outfit, recently issuing an opinion undermining the workers’ rights, is especially important to both leaders. Last month as Senate Judiciary Committee was conducting its hearing on Sri Srinivasan, the only Obama nominee to be confirmed the Court (finally), Grassley introduced a bill that would eliminate three judgeships on the D.C. Circuit and transfer them to the other circuit courts. In part Grassley argued that the D.C. Circuit’s caseload is light and other circuits need the judgeships more. Grassley’s effort has been blasted by the Constitutional Accountability Center’s Judith E. Schaeffer as a “ploy to give cover to Senate Republicans who have no intention of letting a Democratic president fill those three vacancies on the D.C. Circuit.”

    The right-wing editorialists at The Wall Street Journal lauded Grassley’s effort saying President Obama, upset with the D.C. Circuit’s rulings, was aiming to “pack” the Court with judges to alter its ideological make-up.

    Russell Wheeler, an expert on federal courts, disagreed in an ACSblog post, citing a 1996 speech by the late Chief Justice William Rehnquist in which he noted the right of presidents to place their imprints on the judiciary. Rehnquist, Wheeler wrote, said, “When vacancies occur … on any of the federal courts, replacements are nominated by the President, who has been elected by the people of the entire nation, and subject to confirmation by the Senate, whose members have been elected by the people of their respective states. Both the President and the Senate have felt free to take into consideration the likely judicial philosophy of federal judges.”

  • May 24, 2013
    by E. Sebastian Arduengo
     
    After coming to a “deal” with Republicans in January on the filibuster, supposedly to help move more judicial nominations along (which Republican leader Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-K.Y.) mocked immediately after it was reached), frustrated Senate Democrats are again calling on Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) to use the “nuclear option.” This would involve Democratic senators changing procedure to make it a bit more a chore for obstructionist to mount and sustain filibusters. 
     
    Since Republicans have upended the traditions of the Senate by requiring supermajority votes for practically everything, the nuclear option may be the strongest option Senate Democrats have for filling the large number of vacancies on the federal bench.

    But, even if Democrats employed the nuclear option, there are only nominees for a fraction of the vacant judgeships. Of the 105 current and future openings across the country, only 25 have a nominee. The problem is especially pronounced in states represented by two Republican Senators. In Texas for instance, across all four of the state’s judicial districts there are seven vacancies, yet Texas Senators John Cornyn and Ted Cruz haven’t submitted any names to the White House to fill those posts…at least not recently. In 2010, Cornyn made two recommendations to President Obama, whom, according to Cornyn’s office, the president declined to nominate.
     
    Despite the practically non-existent recommendations for Texas’s judicial vacancies, Senators Cruz and Cornyn supported an amendment to the upcoming immigration bill that would create new judgeships in Texas. When pressed about his failure to recommend anyone for Texas’s existing judicial vacancies, Cornyn responded that it was the president’s job to nominate judges under Article II of the Constitution.
     
  • May 23, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    President Obama has come a long way since he declared during his first term that in fighting the so-called war on terror we should safeguard our fundamental values “as vigilantly as we protect our security.”

    During his much touted counterterrorism speech at the National Defense University in Washington, Obama tried to return to that lofty rhetoric and even suggested an end would come to the indefinite war on terror. At other times, Obama sounded a bit too much like his predecessor in defending an aggressive approach by the CIA and military to hunt down and kill suspected terrorist overseas by way of drone strikes, even if those actions happen to take out a few American citizens and innocent civilians.  

    “America’s actions are legal,” Obama said. “We were attacked on 9/11. Within a week, Congress overwhelmingly authorized use of force. Under domestic law, and international law, the United States is at war with al Qaeda, the Taliban, and their associated forces. We are at war with an organization that right now would kill as many Americans as they could if we did not stop them first. So this is a just war – a war waged proportionally, in last resort, and in self-defense.”

    Regarding drone strikes, which the Department of Justice finally acknowledged has killed some American citizens, Obama offered an equally staunch defense.

    Obama said the “use of drones is heavily constrained. America does not take strikes when we have the ability to capture individual terrorists – our preference is always to detain, interrogate, and prosecute them, America cannot strike wherever we choose – our actions are bound by consultations with partners, and respect for state sovereignty. America does not take strikes to punish individuals – we act against terrorists who pose a continuing and imminent threat to the American people, and when there are no other governments capable of effectively addressing the threat. And before any strike is taken, there must be near-certainty that no civilians will be killed or injured – the highest standard we can set.”

    The New York Times reported that the president would supposedly start “shifting control” of the drone strikes from the CIA to the military. But deeper in The Times story, it’s noted that the president “may not explicitly announce the shift in drones from the Central Intelligence Agency in his speech, since the agency’s operations remain formally classified ….” In a piece for Salon, Alex Pareene notes that formal classification, saying, “Maybe the president’s next policy shift can involve the absurd and ridiculous over-classification of everything to do with national security and the actions of our intelligence agencies.”   

    Reporting for The Times in April, Scott Shane said since the start of the Obama administration, nearly 3,000 people have been killed by the drone strikes. As noted here, McClatchy Newspapers also provided an extensive study, based on U.S. intelligence reports revealed that the drone strikes killed thousands of people in Pakistan and Afghanistan and very few were top al Qaeda operatives.