Executive power

  • August 7, 2014

    by Caroline Cox

    David Firestone writes in The New York Times about the myth of large-scale voter fraud. New research from Justin Levitt, Co-Faculty Advisor for the Loyola Law School, Los Angeles ACS Student Chapter, shows that voter impersonation almost never happens and raises serious questions about motivation behind voter ID laws. In June 2012, Levitt wrote an ACS issue brief entitled “The New Wave of Election Regulation.”

    Charles Lane of The Washington Post compares the immigration reform President Obama is contemplating to the Emancipation Proclamation. Not since 1862 “has a president considered ordering a more sweeping adjustment to membership in the American community.”

    New data from the Pew Research Center shows shifting opinions of the Supreme Court among Americans, including a growing number of individuals who view the court as conservative. 

    Dennis Henigan writes in Politico about the “Jim Brady effect” and the current state of the gun-control movement.

    The National Commission on Voting Rights released a new report showing continued voter discrimination against African Americans, Latinos, and Native Americans throughout the United States.

  • June 26, 2014

    by Jeremy Leaming

    ACS will conduct its annual Supreme Court review tomorrow covering most of the high-profile cases that have come down this term and looking ahead to Monday when more opinions are expected. We are still waiting for opinions in Sebelius v. Hobby Lobby, regarding the contraception policy of the Affordable Care Act, and Harris v. Quinn, a case involving a First Amendment challenge to union representation of state home care workers.

    The high court today issued opinions in NLRB v. Noel Canning, involving the president’s recess appointments power, and McCullen v.Coakley, centering on a First Amendment challenge to a Massachusetts law creating buffer zones around abortion clinics.

    SCOTUSblog publisher Tom Goldstein, who will moderate tomorrow’s ACS Supreme Court Review, said of Noel Canning during live-tweeting at SCOTUSblog this morning:

    Here is the upshot of the decision. The President can make a recess appointment without Senate confirmation when the Senate says it is in recess. But either the House or the Senate can take the Senate out of recess and force it to hold a "pro forma session" that will block any recess appointment. So while the President's recess appointment power is broad in theory, if either house of Congress is in the hands of the other party, it can be blocked.

    Eric J. Segall, the Kathy and Lawrence Ashe Professor of Law at Georgia State University College of Law, also a panelist for tomorrow’s high court review, told ACSblog, “When is a recess not a recess? When it’s less than 10 days. Justices issue a mixed ruling in NLRB v. Noel Canning.”

    Chief Counsel for the Constitutional Accountability Center Elizabeth Wydra in press statement said, “While the Supreme Court voted unanimously to strike down the particular exercise of the Recess Appointments Clause power in the Noel Canning case, more important, the Court – by a sharply divided 5-4 vote – rejected the sweeping arguments made by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and its allies.” (Wydra is also scheduled to participate in tomorrow’s ACS Supreme Court Review.)

    The U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit ruled early last year that President Obama’s appointments to the National Labor Relations Board in early 2012 during “pro forma sessions,” where Congress took deliberate steps to shorten the period for the president to make recess appointments. The president took the action noting that the 5-member NLRB could not function with three languishing vacancies.

  • June 26, 2014
    Guest Post

    by Peter M. Shane, the Jacob E. Davis and Jacob E. Davis II Chair in Law, Ohio State University, Moritz College of Law. This piece is cross-posted on RegBlog, where it was originially published.

    As losses go, NLRB v. Noel Canning is going to be pretty easy for the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) and future presidents to live with.

    In a 5-to-4 vote, the U.S. Supreme Court held that Article II’s Recess Appointments Clause empowers presidents to fill vacancies that occur at any time and during any recess—intra-session or intersession—of sufficient length. The Court did invalidate President Obama’s January, 2012, recess appointments of three NLRB members, but only on a narrow two-part rationale. First, a series of pro forma Senate sessions held between December 17, 2011, and January 23, 2012, were effective in dividing this 37-day break into periods of adjournment no longer than three days. Second, periods of intra-session adjournment shorter than 10 days are “presumptively” too short to count as recesses that trigger the president’s recess appointments power. (There is some ambiguity in the majority opinion whether the 10-day rule now applies even to intersession adjournments, which, as far as I know, no party ever argued.) Because of the pro forma sessions – which the D.C. Circuit had not addressed at all – the NLRB owes the Noel Canning Co. a do-over in its unfair labor practice proceeding.

    All in all, it was a good day for the legacy of Chief Justice John Marshall. The majority eschewed implausible claims for the supposed clarity of plainly ambiguous constitutional text, in favor of a constitutional reading that was guided by a history of interbranch practice. Marshall would have approved the Court’s framing of the intra- versus inter-session recess problem:

    The question is not: Did the Founders at the time think about intra-session recesses? Perhaps they did not. The  question is: Did the Founders intend to restrict the scope of the Clause to the form of congressional recess then prevalent, or did they intend a broader scope permitting the Clause to apply, where appropriate, to somewhat changed circumstances? The Founders knew they were writing a document designed to apply to ever-changing circumstances over centuries. After all, a Constitution is “intended to endure for ages to come,” and must adapt itself to a future that can only be “seen dimly,” if at all …We therefore think the Framers likely did intend the Clause to apply to a new circumstance that so clearly falls within its essential purposes, where doing so is consistent with the Clause’s language.

    In short, pragmatism trumped an overconfident textualism.

  • April 9, 2014
    At The Atlantic, Andrew Cohen discusses “secession by attrition” in which a collection of senators are “starving the federal courts of the trial judges they need to serve the basic legal needs of the litigants who come to court each year seeking redress of their grievances.”
    Writing for Daily Kos, Jon Perr criticizes Politico’s recent piece “Obama now outpaces George W. Bush on judges,” for its misleading message. While the Obama administration has made some “headway” against Senate Republicans’ egregious obstruction of the president’s judicial nominations, Perr reveals how  Politico’s data shows that President Obama’s nominations have been “confirmed at a lower rate than President Bush’s.”
    Yesterday, President Obama signed two executive orders that “will prevent retaliation against employees who disclose compensation information and will require businesses to include race and gender information when reporting compensation data.” Keli Goff at The Root comments on this critical step towards ensuring workplace equality. 
    At the Daily Journal, Richard L. Hasen discusses Justice Clarence Thomas’ concurring opinion in McCutcheon v. Federal Election Commission and the "faux judicial restraint" of the chief justice’s “gradualism.” 
    Michelle Olsen at Appellate Daily notes a recent petition to the high court requesting oral argument in a case involving threats made on Facebook.
  • March 28, 2014
    Guest Post
    by Geoffrey R. Stone, Edward H. Levi Distinguished Professor of Law and an ACS Faculty Advisor at the University of Chicago Law School; former Chair, ACS Board of Directors
    This post originally appeared at The Daily Beast.
    President Obama announced this morning that he will propose legislation calling for significant changes in the NSA’s telephone metadata program. This is good news, indeed.
    The enactment of these proposals would strike a much better balance between the interests of liberty and security. They would preserve the value of the NSA’s program in terms of protecting the national security, while at the same time providing much greater, and much needed, protection to individual privacy and civil liberties.
    The proposals are based on recommendations made by the president’s five-member Review Group, of which I was a member. To understand why we came up with these suggestions, it is necessary first to understand how the program operates.
    Under the telephone metadata program, which was created in 2006, telephone service companies like Sprint, Verizon and AT&T are required to turn over to the NSA, on an ongoing daily basis, huge quantities of telephone metadata involving the phone records of millions of Americans, none of whom are themselves suspected of anything.
    Even though the program to-date has functioned properly, history teaches that there is always the risk of another J. Edgar Hoover or Richard Nixon.