Access to Justice

  • August 27, 2012

    by Nicole Flatow

    In the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2011 ruling limiting class actions in AT&T v. Concepcion, the National Labor Relations Board issued a ruling that gave hope to those seeking to hold their employers accountable.

    The ruling invalidated an arbitration agreement that blocked employees from banding together as a class, and it was grounded in a provision of the National Labor Relations Act that protects employees’ right to act collectively. But in the months since the January ruling, all but a few courts have declined to adopt the NLRB’s reasoning, signaling that the administrative decision may not have the impact some had hoped.

    Thompson Reuters’ Nate Raymond looks at 16 federal and state court decisions over the past seven months, and finds that 13 of them disregarded the NLRB’s decision. Some found that the Federal Arbitration Act controlled; others that only the Supreme Court’s Concepcion decision applies.

    The initial NLRB decision, D.R. Horton, is still pending on appeal to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. And in one decision that did adopt the NLRB’s reasoning, the court distinguished Concepcion, which did not involve a conflict with the NLRA. But thus far, courts have signaled that the NLRB’s decision will have little impact on employees’ access to justice.

    D.R. Horton is not the only case with the potential to preserve some limits on arbitration clauses.

  • August 2, 2012

    by Nicole Flatow

    The U.S. Supreme Court’s pair of March decisions establishing the right to the effective assistance of counsel during plea negotiations was considered by many the most significant criminal process precedent since Gideon v. Wainright. But the lawyer whose argument prevailed in one of those cases was not feeling positive vibes from the Justices during her oral argument – her first ever before the high court.

    In an American Constitution Society video webinar on her experience litigating Lafler v. Cooper, state appellate defender Valerie Newman said it was the justices’ hostility that surprised her the most.

     “It was not a pleasant experience,” she said. “… I tell people the experience felt to me like there were nine lions, even though Justice Thomas never talked, and I was the piece of meat that was thrown into the ring and they were just all scratching at me to see who could get the biggest piece.”

    Newman held her ground and stood by the argument she had been making since the beginning: that “the Sixth Amendment applies to all stages of the criminal process, and plea bargaining is a stage of the criminal process. If the defendant receives deficient advice that affects the defendant’s decisions down the line, then the defendant is entitled to relief.”

    In this case, because her client had been advised to go to trial based on misinformation from his lawyer that he could not be convicted, Newman had to argue that the trial itself caused the harm – a notion that incited particular hostility from Justice Scalia.

    “I thought Justice Scalia, if he could, would have reached over the bench and strangled me,” Newman said. “That’s how visibly distraught he was at my argument. And even the justices I thought would be on my side, like Justice Breyer, Justice Breyer yelled at me at one point.”

  • July 25, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Laura Abel, Deputy Director of the National Center for Access to Justice at Cardozo Law School


    If Congress leads the country over the “fiscal cliff,” people are going to have a tough time using the courts to protect their most basic rights. Pretty much everyone agrees that imposing across-the-board cuts is a bad way to make public policy. When the cuts affect the Third Branch of government, they tread on dangerous constitutional ground.

    The fiscal cliff is the popular name for the package of federal budget cuts and tax increases that Congress agreed to in the Budget Control Act of 2011. The idea at the time was that a committee, optimistically dubbed the “supercommittee,” would come up with a long-term plan to reduce the federal deficit before the package took effect. But the supercommittee was unable to come up with a solution. Now, most federal agencies face budget cuts of as much as 9% on January 1, unless Congress can agree on an alternative plan.

    The federal courts have warned that the cuts “would have a devastating and long-lasting impact on the federal courts and the administration of justice in this country.” Even without the fiscal cliff, the federal judiciary is a lean operation. In the past year alone, 1,000 court staff positions have been cut. Judge Julia S. Gibbons has testified before Congress that additional Budget Control Act cuts would limit the ability of court clerks to help members of the public with court filings. This would make the federal courts more inaccessible than ever to “pro se” litigants seeking to enforce their civil rights or file for bankruptcy. Staff shortages would also result in significant delays in processing cases, providing an unfortunate demonstration of the principle that “justice delayed is justice denied.”

    The so-called budget cuts will cost the taxpayers far more money in the long run. Judge Gibbons warns that the courts will have to furlough public defenders and reduce pretrial supervision services for low-risk offenders. The likely result is that more defendants will spend more time in prison awaiting trial, driving up prison costs.

  • July 23, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Stephen I. Vladeck, professor of law and associate dean for scholarship at American University Washington College of Law


    There’s quite a lot to say about the damages suit filed last week by the American Civil Liberties Union and the Center for Constitutional Rights on behalf of the family of Anwar al-Aulaqi and his 16-year-old son Abdulrahman, both of whom were killed (along with a third U.S. citizen) in a pair of drone strikes in Yemen in the fall 0f 2011. And although the suit raises a host of important and thorny legal questions of first impression, including whether a non-international armed conflict existed in Yemen at the time of the strikes and whether a U.S. citizen can claim a substantive due process right not to be collateral damage in an otherwise lawful military operation, I suspect my Lawfare colleague Ben Wittes is quite correct that this case won’t actually resolve any of them. Instead, as Ben suggests, it seems likely that the federal courts will refuse to recognize a “Bivens” remedy — a cause of action for damages arising directly out of the constitutional provision allegedly offended (e.g., the Fifth Amendment’s Due Process Clause), and that the plaintiffs will therefore be unable to state a valid cause of action.

    As I explain below, such a result would unfortunately perpetuate a fundamental — and increasingly pervasive — misunderstanding of Bivens. Moreover, even if plaintiffs will ultimately lose suits like Al-Aulaqi because of various defenses — including qualified immunity, the state secrets privilege, and the political question doctrine — getting the Bivens question right still matters. To the extent that the specter of judicial review deters governmental misconduct down the road, Bivens suits can and should have a salutary effect on the conduct of U.S. national security policy — so long as they’re properly understood in the first place.

  • July 18, 2012

    by Nicole Flatow

    In the wake of a U.S. Supreme Court opinion this term describing the modern criminal justice system as largely a “system of pleas, not a system of trials,” a Colorado federal district court judge has taken a powerful stand against “indiscriminate acceptance” of plea deals in an order disapproving one such agreement.

    In a June 28 opinion that a New York Times editorial called “truly startling,” U.S. District Judge John Kane rejected the now-standard practice of approving plea agreements that waive a defendant’s right to appeal, finding that “calm and deliberate review of my decision by the Court of Appeals” is critical to the “interests of justice."  

    “As a result of a guilty plea, bargained for or otherwise, and the concomitant waiver of the right to trial by jury, a criminal defendant also waives his rights to confront and cross-examine adverse witnesses, to present evidence, to compel the attendance of witnesses, and to require prosecutors to prove guilt beyond reasonable doubt,” Kane writes in an analysis that cites heavily to the Supreme Court’s recent opinion n Lafler v. Cooper, which held that defendants have a right to counsel during the plea bargaining stage.

    In the Lafler majority opinion, Justice Anthony Kennedy highlighted the stark statistic that 97 percent of federal cases and 94 percent of state cases end in guilty pleas. In Judge Kane’s rejection of one particular plea, he contrasts the contraction of rights for these defendants with the expansion of discretion judges typically give prosecutors and defendants to reach a deal: