Jeff Mandell

  • November 9, 2017
    Guest Post

    by Jeff Mandell, chair of the Madison Lawyer Chapter and partner, Stafford Rosenbaum LLP, and Craig Mastantuono, chair of the Milwaukee Lawyer Chapter and partner, Mastantuono & Coffee S.C.

    More than 120 lawyers representing 16 different states gathered in Milwaukee last month for ACS’s first-ever National Lawyer Convening. We were honored to serve as co-hosts of this gathering, which was both a great success and a lot of fun. It was exciting to welcome our ACS counterparts from all corners of the nation to Wisconsin, and inspiring to draw on their energy and to learn about how much ACS Lawyer Chapters are doing coast to coast.

  • November 2, 2017
    Guest Post

    by Jeff Mandell, partner at Stafford Rosenbaum LLP and chair of the ACS Madison Lawyer 

    *A shorter version of this post was distributed in Wisconsin by the Progressive Media Project and previously published by The Capital Times, the LaCrosse Tribune, and the Sun Prairie Star. 

    The U.S. Constitution grants the President power to nominate judges for the federal courts “by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.” In Wisconsin, for nearly 40 years all presidents, regardless of party, have considered candidates vetted and approved by a nominating commission run by the State Bar in cooperation with both Wisconsin Senators. President Trump unfortunately broke this practice by nominating Michael Brennan for a Wisconsin vacancy on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, though the nominating commission did not approve Brennan. Indeed, Brennan interviewed with the White House before even submitting his name to the nominating commission that ultimately did not recommend him.

  • October 31, 2017
    Guest Post

    by Jeff Mandell, partner at Stafford Rosenbaum LLP and Chair of the ACS Madison Lawyer Chapter.

    Tomorrow, the Supreme Court hears argument in Artis v. District of Columbia, a procedural dispute about the interaction of federal jurisdictional statutes and state limitation periods. It is fairly dry stuff, so much so that it drew only two amicus briefs, far below average. But one of those amicus briefs, filed by the State of Wisconsin and joined by 23 others States, attempts to constitutionalize the dispute, with broad implications.

  • June 20, 2017
    Guest Post

    *This piece is part of the ACSblog Symposium: 2017 ACS National Convention. The symposium considers topics featured at the three day convention, which took place on June 8-10, 2017. Learn more about the Convention here

    by Jeff Mandell, Partner, Stafford Rosenbaum LLP

    The ACS National Convention is always an opportunity to see old friends, to make new connections, and to be inspired. But one of my favorite aspects of the convention is that I always learn something new. As I reflect on this year’s convention, the session that resonates with me is the one on antitrust law. This is particularly surprising because I have never worked on an antitrust case, never took an antitrust class and truly have no knowledge of antitrust law beyond what I have gleaned by osmosis over the years.

    The panel discussion—titled “A Second Gilded Age: The Consolidation of Wealth and Corporate Power”—was engaging and illuminating. It provided a basic overview of the history of antitrust regulation, the evolution of the key theories courts use in evaluating antitrust claims, and a window into new thinking in the academy and how that might apply in practice. This is a tall order for ninety minutes, and the panel was expertly moderated by Ganesh Sitaraman, a professor at Vanderbilt Law School whose recent book, The Crisis of the Middle-Class Constitution: Why Economic Inequality Threatens Our Republic, is garnering acclaim. Professor Sitaraman kept the conversation moving, but also posed pointed questions to specific panelists, ensuring that the discussion was balanced and did not veer into arcana.

  • December 20, 2016
    Guest Post

    by Jeff Mandell, Senior Associate at Stafford Rosenbaum LLP in Madison, Wisconsin. Jeff is also the Chair of the newly formed ACS Madison Lawyer Chapter.

    Yesterday’s vote by the electors of each State brought to a close the process that began with Election Day on Nov. 8. Or, more precisely, in various states, it began days or weeks earlier, when early voting opened and absentee ballots became available. This year, more than any before, I have been particularly focused on the process as well as the outcome. My efforts as a voter-protection volunteer reassured me that—setting the consequences of Wisconsin’s strict voter ID law to one side—there were no massive malfunctions in Wisconsin’s election day operations, but it also underscored how easy it is for individual votes, and voters, to fall through the cracks.

    I woke hours before dawn on Election Day, picked up a friend and drove two hours on a narrow highway. I had volunteered to monitor complaints and concerns submitted by poll watchers. The Democratic Party of Wisconsin sent me to Oshkosh, where, with two other lawyers, I would field reports from poll observers spread across nine counties. Before the polls opened at 7:00 a.m., we opened our laptops in the dining room of a small house, reached out to the volunteers at polling places around our area and logged into a website on which we could follow reports from every one of the state’s 3,620 precincts. Fortified with a mountain of snacks, we settled in for the 13 hours the polls would be open.

    Because I knew I would be spending Election Day in Oshkosh, I voted two weeks in advance. I knew Wisconsin allowed early voting but, at the time I cast my ballot, I had not yet studied state election law in preparation for my voter-protection duties. When I had voted early in other states before, my vote had been counted at the time I voted. But in Wisconsin, early voting is actually a form of absentee voting and absentee votes are not counted in advance.