Christopher Wright Durocher

  • October 13, 2017

    by Christopher Wright Durocher, Director of Policy Development and Programming, ACS

    A coalition of 88 groups concerned with gun violence in the United States has released an open letter to the elected leaders of America, calling for meaningful legislative action in the wake of the shooting earlier this month in Las Vegas that left 59 people dead and more than 500 injured.

    The letter assails Congress for considering two bills that would liberalize gun regulations—one removing restrictions on the sale of firearm silencers and the other effectively nationalizing the most permissive state concealed carry permit laws through federal mandated reciprocity between states. Though the National Rifle Association (NRA) and its gun industry allies defend these measures as commonsense and necessary to meet Second Amendment principles, these bills go far beyond the protections of the Second Amendment the Supreme Court laid out in the seminal case District of Columbia v. Heller.

  • September 20, 2017

    by Christopher Wright Durocher, Director of Policy Development and Programming, American Constitution Society

    On Wednesday morning, the American Constitution Society and the National Bar Association presented “The Power to Promote Progress: Opportunities and Limits to Prosecutors Seeking Reform,” featuring a panel of current and former state and federal prosecutors discussing what it means to be a reform-minded prosecutor.

    In the past few years—often in response to incumbent chief prosecutors’ failure to reflect the values and needs of their constituencies—cities and counties across the country have elected self-described “progressive prosecutors.” Recently elected prosecutors like Kimberly Foxx in Chicago, Kim Gardner in St. Louis (Missouri), Mark Gonzalez in Corpus Christi, Kim Ogg in Harris County and Aramis Ayala in Orlando, join the ranks of other reform-minded prosecutors like acting-DA Eric Gonzalez in Brooklyn, Cyrus Vance in Manhattan, Pete Holmes in Seattle, and James Stewart in Shreveport. In addition to elected leadership, reform-minded attorneys are also serving as line prosecutors in federal and state prosecutor offices across the country.

  • August 3, 2017

    by Christopher Wright Durocher 

    Since announcing his campaignDonald Trump has claimed that he alone could restore law and order to a lawless, chaotic and violent country. In return for his commitment to this 1980’s era law and order rhetoriche earned the endorsements of the National Fraternal Order of Police, the National Border Patrol Council, the National Immigration and Customs Enforcement Counciland numerous local police organizationsAccording to Fraternal Order of Police President Check

  • June 19, 2017

    by Christopher Wright Durocher

    Wednesday’s horrific shooting during a practice for members of the GOP congressional baseball team was an unnecessary reminder of the prevalence of gun violence in the U.S. The event was notable for its high-profile victims, including Rep. Steve Scalise (R-La.), a member of House’s Republican Leadership, but it was otherwise bleakly common—an average of 90 people die from gun violence each day and, by some counts, this was the 195 mass shooting of 2017 (the 196th mass shooting occurred hours later in San Francisco).

    The incident, which left five wounded, including a congressional aide, a lobbyist and two Capitol Police officers, was described by Breitbart with the headline “Man Opens Fire on Congressional Baseball Practice; Good Guy with Gun Shoots Back.” The “good guys with guns” narrative is an all too common trope we hear from the NRA and its allies after a high-profile shooting, particularly mass shootings. In 2012, a week after the Sandy Hook massacre left twenty-six dead, including twenty children, NRA Executive Vice President Wayne LaPierre said, “The only way to stop a bad guy with a gun is with a good guy with a gun.” Since that time, this trope has been deployed in response to mass shootings to justify expanding gun availability and ownership and reducing or eliminating gun safety regulations. The only problem is that there’s no evidence that it’s true.

    The epidemiology of mass shootings is complicated and anything but straightforward. That said, there are some things we do know. A review of mass shootings between 2000 and 2012 published by the FBI reveals that the median response time for police is three minutes. Admittedly, three minutes is a long time when facing an armed assailant, and with the aid of high-capacity magazines and semi-automatic weapons, shooters are capable of inflicting grievous damage in such a short time. As Rep. Mike Bishop (R-Mich.), a witness to Wednesday’s attack, observed, “He had a rifle that was clearly meant for the job of taking people out, multiple casualties, and he had several rounds and magazines that he kept unloading and reloading.” 

  • May 2, 2017

    by Christopher Wright Durocher

    In his speech at the National Rifle Association’s (NRA) annual meeting last Friday, President Trump reiterated his unwavering support for the organization and its anti-gun violence prevention agenda, promising “to the NRA—I will never let you down!” As Congress considers legislation that would virtually eliminate states’ gun permitting regimes, President Trump’s promise could turn out to be a threat to public safety.

    If there is a bright light in efforts to address gun violence, it is the work that state and local governments have pursued in recent years to enact sensible regulations. In 2016, for example, voters in California, Nevada* and Washington State  approved gun violence prevention ballot measures to, among other things,  expand background checks and enhance mechanisms to remove firearms from those determined to be a danger to themselves or others. Since the 2008 landmark ruling in District of Columbia v. Heller, the federal judiciary has also largely upheld the right of states and cities to protect their residents from gun violence through these and other types of regulations, including restrictions on carrying concealed weapons.

    Earlier this year, however, Sen.  John Cornyn (R-Texas) and Rep. Richard Hudson (R-N.C.) introduced legislation that could hamstring these local efforts and undermine states’ ability to determine their own gun policy. Sen. Cornyn’s Constitutional Concealed Carry Reciprocity Act and its House companion bill would permit anyone allowed to conceal carry in their home state (including residents of states that require no permit for concealed carry) to conceal carry in any state, regardless of that state’s gun laws. The House version of the bill goes one step further and enables residents to circumvent their own state’s conceal carry permitting requirements by allowing them to apply for a permit from another state with less restrictive gun regulations. This would give one state the power to essentially nullify all other states’ conceal carry laws and nationalize the most relaxed permitting requirements.