2017 ACS National Convention

  • May 9, 2017
    Guest Post

    *This piece is part of the ACSblog Symposium: 2017 ACS National Convention. The symposium will consider topics featured at the three day convention, scheduled for June 8-10, 2017. Learn more about the Convention here

    by Deborah Rhode, Ernest W. McFarland Professor of Law and Director of the Center on the Legal Profession, Stanford Law School

    “It depends,” is the most irritating answer that an ethics professor can give to difficult ethical questions. But sometimes it is the only one that makes sense, and that is my response to whether socially responsible lawyers can, or should, serve in the Trump administration. The key factors are what the position is and how much ability the lawyer has to accomplish ethically defensible ends.

    I begin from the premise that it will not serve the public interest if the only lawyers in governmental positions are those who share Trump’s views. There are many relatively apolitical legal jobs in the federal government in which attorneys can do “good” work, in both a descriptive and prescriptive sense. And there are even some political jobs, for which, as New York Times columnist Russ Douthat has argued, if Trump is willing to make “responsible appointments, the good of the world requires that responsible people accept them.” Progressive administration lawyers can be the front line of resistance to executive abuse. They can supply passive resistance to efforts to roll back important procedural and substantive protections. And they can effectively enforce the safeguards that are not under siege. To take an obvious example, the enforcement division of the EPA urgently needs attorneys who have environmental commitments that their president may not share.

  • April 27, 2017
    Guest Post

    *This piece is part of the ACSblog Symposium: 2017 ACS National Convention. The symposium will consider topics featured at the three day convention, scheduled for June 8-10, 2017. Learn more about the Convention here

    by Orly Lobel, Professor of Law, University of San Diego School of Law

    I am pleased to be a speaker at the ACS 2017 National Convention, which takes place in June 8-10 in Washington D.C. My talk, which will be part of a panel discussion entitled A Second Gilded Age? The Consolidation of Wealth and Fracturing of Employment, will bring together several lines in my research: the gig economy, platform regulation and governance, human capital, intellectual property and antitrust law. In April 2016, I had the honor to deliver the 12th Annual Pemberton Lecture at the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals. I delivered a paper called The Gig Economy and the Future of Employment and Labor Law, which was later published in the USF Law Review and can be read here. I ask: What is the future of employment and labor law protections when reality is rapidly transforming the ways we work? What is the status of gig work and what are the rights as well as duties of gig workers? I propose four paths for systematic reform, where each path is complementary rather than mutually exclusive to the others.

  • April 24, 2017
    Guest Post

    *This piece is part of the ACSblog Symposium: 2017 ACS National Convention. The symposium will consider topics featured at the three day convention, scheduled for June 8-10, 2017. Learn more about the Convention here

    by William Yeomans, Fellow in Law and Government, American University Washington College of Law

    The election of Donald Trump jolted federal government lawyers. Trump ran for election promising to flout the constitution and federal laws. He questioned the value of many federal agencies and repeatedly denounced the number, quality and energy of federal employees. 

    The picture only grew worse as President Trump filled his cabinet with leaders with contempt for the missions of the agencies they lead. As a presidential candidate, Rick Perry wanted to abolish the Department of Energy. As Oklahoma Attorney General, Scott Pruitt regularly sued the Environmental Protection Agency and since taking office has engendered such hostility among environmentalists and his own employees that he requires a 24-hour a day security detail. Ben Carson repeatedly expressed his contempt for public housing and the people who live in it. Betsy DeVos is perceived as so hostile to public education that she has been blocked by teachers from entering a public school. And Tom Price built a political career on hostility to expanding medical care through the Affordable Care Act, which he is now charged with administering.

    The appointment of Jefferson Beauregard Sessions as Attorney General signaled that President Trump was serious about radically reversing the direction of federal law enforcement. Lawyers throughout the federal government are affected by positions taken by the Department of Justice. Sessions’ appointment promised abandonment of the Obama administration’s strong enforcement of civil rights and environmental laws, efforts to soften the harsh edges of immigration laws and its push for criminal justice reform. 

  • April 21, 2017
    Guest Post

    *This piece is part of the ACSblog Symposium: 2017 ACS National Convention. The symposium will consider topics featured at the three day convention, scheduled for June 8-10, 2017. 

    by Ethan Frenchman, Appellate Attorney, Maryland Office of the Public Defender and Arpit Gupta, Professor of Finance, NYU Stern School of Business

    The evidence is in, and America’s money bail system is not worth the cost.

    America and the Philippines are the only two nations that employ a wealth-based pretrial detention system. In this system, criminal defendants are arrested and then assessed an amount of money. If the money is not paid or guaranteed by some other person, the accused remains in jail. The end result of this system is easily understood: rich defendants buy their freedom, and the poor sit behind bars.

    Richard Stanford, for example, is a poor defendant. A Vietnam veteran, Mr. Stanford had exactly 31 cents to his name when he was arrested for trespassing in Baltimore County, Maryland. But the judge set his bail at $2,600 and Mr. Stanford was consequently jailed for weeks because he could not buy his freedom for even 10 percent: $260.

    This wealth-based system has been called the “front door” of mass incarceration, and for good reason. With more than 400,000 people detained in America awaiting trial, the jails are overflowing with non-violent, presumptively innocent people like Mr. Stanford. This is no surprise in light of the fact that freedom costs money, and the majority of Americans, as the Federal Reserve announced, do not have $400 available for an emergency.

  • March 15, 2017
    Guest Post

    *This piece is part of the ACSblog Symposium: 2017 ACS National Convention. The symposium will consider topics featured at the three day convention, scheduled for June 8-10, 2017. Also, this piece was written in response to the March 9 ACS National Symposium on Policing in a New Political Era. The full video of this event can be found here.

    by Thomas Nolan, Associate Professor of Criminology, Merrimack College; 27-year veteran of the Boston Police Department

    One of the attendees at last week’s symposium on “Policing in a New Political Era,” co-sponsored by the American Constitution Society and New America, asked whether we should consider the abolition of policing in America. My fellow panelist, Cardozo School of Law Professor Ekow Yankah, deftly responded that it may indeed be time to “reimagine” policing in America. And so it is.

    An insightful March 12 Washington Post article by Katie Zezima observed “police officers [are] acting as drug counselors and medical workers and shifting from law-and-order tactics to approaches more akin to social work” and that the police now envision their roles as mental-health workers and doctors. In fairness to the police, these are roles into which they have been, unwittingly and perhaps unwillingly, thrust in a societal expectation that the police are the default “responders” with responsibilities for dealing with the social marginalia that they are neither properly trained or qualified to undertake.

    The police are deserving of praise for adopting strategies in dealing with the opioid crisis that no longer see enforcement strategies as the only tactics in dealing with drugs and drug abusers, but it is fair to question whether or not policing in this nascent political era should include having police “generalists” providing medical, mental health and social work services to vulnerable populations of people, throwaways whom those charting course in this political era would just as soon see disappear. The police are filling voids here in professional disciplines and in providing medical and mental health services that will almost invariably be inadequate to the task. Reimagining the role of the police recognizes that these vital services need to be provided to those who need them the most by professionals trained to treat the sick, the broken and the mentally ill.