ACSBlog

  • February 10, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Rebecca L. Brown, Newton Professor of Constitutional Law at USC Gould School of Law. She is the author of the 2010 ACS Issue Brief, “The Prop 8 Court Can Have it All: Justice, Precedent, Respect for Democracy, and an Appropriately Limited Judicial Role.”


    The Ninth Circuit did a great job this week in deciding the Perry case, involving the constitutionality of Proposition 8 — not only because of the result it reached, but because of how it got there. I think the court did a great service to the plaintiffs in Perry (as well as those similarly situated), to the state of California, and to the Constitution itself. I say this because the court focused very carefully and narrowly on the facts of the particular case, and did not yield to the temptation, always present in a sensational case, to be dramatic, to exaggerate, or to stretch the law. Instead, in my view, the court did exactly what we want a court to do when faced with any Equal Protection challenge:  to consider very carefully the interests that the state offers in support of its unequal treatment of some of its people, and to insist that those interests be both genuine and closely tied to the law under attack. 

    On that score, Proposition 8 could not survive, for a very simple reason. The interests that were offered in support of denying marriage status to same-sex couples were not relevant to the actual inequality that Proposition 8 created. As the court recognized, Proposition 8 affected only the status of marriage, not the legal infrastructure supporting families headed by same-sex couples. The word “only” does not at all mean that the denial of this status is unimportant to either side of this debate. But it does confine the court’s equal protection inquiry to just those state interests that could be said to justify this denial of the title of marriage. The court rightly recognized that broad assertions of state interests that might arguably be served by restricting same-sex households and families were simply not germane to Proposition 8 itself, because that proposition did not have any effect on the surviving bundle of property, parenting, and companionship rights that support those households and families. The state was called upon to offer a non-hostility-based rationale for leaving same-sex households legally intact while denying them the status of marriage.  The court found none.

  • February 10, 2012
    Countering threats from Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) to hold up votes on all nominees, the Senate successfully confirmed Cathy Ann Bencivengo, 90-6, to the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California on Thursday. Bencivengo will fill one of 12 vacancies in the state, and one of six vacancies considered a judicial emergency. There are 18 other nominees ripe for an immediate Senate vote, most of whom have been waiting since before the Senate’s recess in December.
     
    In an attempt to push forward one of these other nominees, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid  moved to force a vote on the nomination of Adalberto Jose Jordan to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit on Thursday evening. Jordan was unanimously approved by the Senate Judiciary Committee unanimously in October, and has been pending before the Senate since. The Senate will vote on the motion to invoke cloture Monday.
     
    “Judge Jordan is the kind of consensus judicial nominee that should be welcomed as one of the many examples of President Obama reaching out to work with Republican and Democratic home state senators and the kind of superbly qualified nominee we should all encourage to serve on the distinguished bench of Federal appeals court judges,” said Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy in a statement Thursday. “In the past the Senate would have voted on his nomination within days or weeks of its being reported unanimously by the Judiciary Committee.  Yet Republicans refused to consent to a vote on Judge Jordan’s nomination before the end of the last session and it has been stalled on the Senate Calendar for nearly four months.” 
     
    The Senate Judiciary Committee held over the nominations of four district court nominees. Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) committed to bring them up again for a vote in the next Senate Judiciary Committee executive business meeting.
  • February 10, 2012

    by Nicole Flatow

    Following sharp attacks from religious and conservative groups of the health care rule that would require insurance plans to cover contraceptives, the White House has announced a minor alteration to the rule that maintains free access to birth control.

    The change would shift the onus of providing the contraceptive services from the employer to the insurance provider. If a religiously affiliated employer objects to providing that coverage in its benefits package, the insurance company will be required to reach out directly to the beneficiary to offer full contraceptives coverage.

    “No woman’s health should depend on who she is or where she works or how much money she makes,” Obama said in announcing the change today. He added:

    I understand some in Washington want to treat this as another political wedge issue. But it shouldn’t be. I certainly never saw it that way. … We live in a pluralistic society where we’re not gonna agree on every single issue or share every belief. That doesn’t mean we have to choose between individual liberty and basic fairness.

    Today's shift, described by one official as an “accommodation” rather than a “compromise,” was quickly endorsed by the Catholic Health Association, one of the original critics of the rule, as well as Planned Parenthood and NARAL Pro-Choice America.

    But the announcement is not likely to satisfy some of the most committed critics. Just last night during a webcast, the Family Research Council blasted the contraception rule as “not only an attack on the consciences of employers and employees, but a direct attack on religious freedom.”

    Throughout the week, constitutional experts have reiterated that the contraception rule did not violate the Constitution’s religious liberty clauses.   

     "There isn't a constitutional issue involved," prominent litigator David Boies told MSNBC’s Lawrence O’Donnell. “There isn’t anything in the Constitution that says an employer, regardless of whether you are a church employer or not, isn’t subject to the same rules as every other employer.”

    “One thing I think is crystal clear — there is no First Amendment violation by this law,” Adam Winkler, a constitutional law professor at UCLA, told TPM. “The Supreme Court was very clear in a case called Employment Division v. Smith, written by none other than Antonin Scalia, that religious believers and institutions are not entitled to an exemption from generally applicable laws.”

    Atlanta Journal-Constitution columnist Jay Bookman highlights some excerpts from the Smith decision in which Scalia, “himself a devout and very conservative Catholic,” makes the case for Obama. Scalia wrote:

  • February 9, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Earlier this week, we noted a forthcoming study by a couple of law school professors, rich with data, which reveals the U.S. Constitution’s dwindling global influence. It’s not terribly surprising, other nations' governing documents, such as the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, are more expansive than the Constitution.

    As cogently noted in this blog post by David Lyle of Media Matters For America, right-wing pundits and bloggers are going ballistic, especially over Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s comments to an Egypt interviewer that there are other governing documents, such as South Africa’s constitution that she might consult if she were to draft a constitution “in the year 2012.”

    Her comment sent the right-wing blogosphere and activists into frenzy, to say the least.

    Religious Right activist Mat Staver, head of the Liberty Counsel and founder of the late Jerry Falwell’s law school, fired off a press statement calling Ginsburg’s comments “unacceptable.” He said she spoke “derisively” of the nation’s founding document, and that she has undermined the “Supreme Court as an institution dedicated to the rule of law, as well as our founding document.”

    This is typical for Staver, who is given to over-the-top rhetoric. But it’s also ridiculous. Ginsburg did not knock or degrade the U.S. Constitution in anyway, she merely pointed out the fact that there are newer governing documents that are also worthy of emulation.

  • February 9, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Beltway Religious Right lobbyists are finding some success, with the help of opportunistic lawmakers in Congress, in painting the Obama administration’s health care policy that requires many insurance plans to provide free contraceptives as a brazen attack on religious liberty.

    TPM reported earlier today that weak-kneed politicos, such as Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) are opposing the new rule. That opposition, not surprisingly was joined by Sen. Joe Lieberman (I-Conn.), who tweeted yesterday, aping Religious Right rhetoric, that “Government should not compel religious organizations to provide services contrary to their beliefs.” (TPM's Sahil Kapur is also reporting that Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) has introduced a sweeping bill that would not only overturn the administration's contraception rule, but would "effectively permit any employer to deny contraception coverage in their employee health plans ....")

    Christian Right lobbying group, the Family Research Council, will conduct a webcast this evening blasting the contraception rule as “not only an attack on the consciences of employers and employees, but a direct attack on religious freedom.”

    But the Religious Right’s rhetoric should be recognized for what it is, overwrought spin.

    The contraception rule is not difficult to understand, unless you’re Michael Gerson, a former speechwriter for President George W. Bush, now a columnist for The Washington Post.  Later this year, the Affordable Care Act will require most health insurance plans to provide women access to contraception for free or by paying a co-pay or deductible. Houses of worship, however, are exempt from the rule, meaning they get to play by different rules than secular organizations, so if they wish to provide their employees limited health care coverage, they can.