ACSBlog

  • August 14, 2014
    Guest Post

    by Peter M. Shane, the Jacob E. Davis and Jacob E. Davis II Chair in Law, Ohio State University, Moritz College of Law

    Headlines often describe President Obama as “going it alone” on public policy in light of congressional inaction.  But his boldest moves in favor of workers’ rights are rooted in an obscure statute enacted 65 years ago – the Federal Property and Administrative Services Act of 1949 (FPASA).  That statute’s explicit purpose is to establish “an economical and efficient system for . . . [p]rocuring and supplying property and nonpersonal services” for the federal government.”  Most important, it specifically empowers the President to “prescribe policies and directives that the President considers necessary to carry out” FPASA’s purposes.

    In late July, President Obama issued two important orders resting directly on his FPASA authority. Executive Order 13672 adds to the prohibitions on employment discrimination by federal contractors a ban on discrimination based on “sexual orientation” or “gender identity.”  Executive Order 13673 imposes a variety of measures to insure that federal contractors comply with state and federal labor laws. It further prohibits employers with federal contracts worth $1 million or more from insisting on the mandatory arbitration of worker complaints dealing with sexual assault or harassment or with claims arising under title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Last February, the President issued Executive Order 13658, imposing a higher minimum wage requirement on federal contractors, as well.

    These orders have important precedents. President Kennedy relied on FPASA to prohibit race discrimination by federal contractors, a requirement amplified by President Johnson. President Nixon relied on FPASA to require federal contractors to engage in affirmative action to achieve equality in employment. President Carter used FPASA to impose a temporary system of wage and price controls on federal contractors. President Bush required federal contractors to inform employees of their right not to join a union. These orders have all been upheld in court.

  • August 14, 2014

    by Caroline Cox

    ACS Board Member Reuben Guttman and Traci Buschner write for McClatchy DC on how the recent $97 million settlement between the U.S. Department of Justice and Community Health Systems serves as a reminder of why government oversight matters.

    Paul Campos discusses the “scam” of for-profit law schools in The Atlantic. “[T]he odds of a graduate of one of these schools getting a job that arguably justifies incurring the schools’ typical debt level are essentially 100 to 1.”

    Slate’s Jamelle Bouie argues against the escalating militarization of Ferguson, Mo.

    The Huffington Post reports on the detention of journalists Wesley Lowery and Ryan J. Reilly in Ferguson, Mo last night. In light of these arrests, T.C. Sotteck of The Verge details the right of individuals to record the police.

    Garrett Epps of The Atlantic warns against labeling Roane County Circuit Judge Russell Simmons a bigot because of his recent ruling on same-sex marriage in Tennessee.

    Thomas Geoghegan argues in Politico that President Obama should challenge Republican gerrymandering. 

  • August 13, 2014
    Guest Post

    by Dr. Amos Brown, NAACP National Board Member

    *Noting the 50th anniversaries of Freedom Summer and the Civil Rights Act of 1964, ACSblog is hosting a symposium including posts and interviews from some of the nation’s leading scholars and civil rights activists.

    In the 1950s, the winter of the civil rights movement in Mississippi, I worked alongside many brave black youth who actively fought racism and segregation, long before the press from northern communities ever arrived. Their heroic efforts and stories of courage in the face of staunch resistance in the 1950s are untold and unacknowledged.

    I organized the first youth council of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in Mississippi in the fall of 1955, after being deeply impacted by the mutilated head of Emmett Till on the cover of Jet Magazine in August of that year. At only 15 years old, I asked my mother for permission to travel with Medgar Evers from Mississippi to San Francisco to attend the National Convention of the NAACP. At this convention, I was deeply inspired by the dream shared by a 26-year old Martin Luther King Jr.. This speech, given on the Wednesday night of the Convention, got my young peers and I fired up. We all agreed to return to our respective communities and become more involved.

    In 1958, under the NAACP, what was then called a sit-down was organized in Oklahoma Cityand led by Barbara Posey, a young woman who had served as the president of the youth council and engaged youth from elementary school through high school. This lunch counter sit-down was a success in its attempt to break down segregation. After this, there were a number of other successful youth led sit-downs around the country,  in cities such as Wichita and Louisville.

  • August 13, 2014

    by Caroline Cox

    The Editorial Board of The New York Times explores the racial history that underlies the Ferguson, Mo. protests and the death of Michael Brown.  Peniel E. Joseph of The Root provides additional perspective in looking at the echoes of the Watts Rebellion in the protests.

    Brian Beutler of the New Republic writes that the claims of Halbig “Truthers” do not stand up to close scrutiny.

    The Washington Post’s Bonnie Berkowitz, Lazaro Gamio, Dan Keating, and Richard Johnson provide a breakdown of those put to death since the Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty in 1976.

    The Editorial Board of the Los Angeles Times argues against religious exemptions to the executive order prohibiting federal contractors from discriminating on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity.  

    The Equal Justice Initiative reports on a new study that finds “people were more supportive of harsh criminal justice policies the more African Americans they believed were in prison.”

  • August 13, 2014
    Video Interview

    by Caroline Cox

    This year marked the 50th anniversaries of both the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Freedom Summer, but these victories have not erased many persistent racial inequalities in the United States. In a discussion about race, education, and the legacy of Brown v. Board decision at the 2014 ACS National Convention, Tomiko Brown-Nagin, the Daniel P.S. Paul Professor of Constitutional Law and Professor of History at Harvard University, explained how the world has changed in the years after these civil rights landmarks.

    While Brown-Nagin argued that the United States has managed to achieve the promise of Brown in many respects, these successes are qualified. The decision slowly eliminated de jure segregation, but de facto segregation continues and even thrives in the post-Brown world. Brown-Nagin explained that public support is “shifting away from support for an affirmative movement of students across neighborhood lines, away from even having students of different races in the same school building.”

    The majority of people, according to Brown-Nagin, agree with the principle of racial equality. But this belief does not in and of itself mean that inequality no longer exists. This is not the inequality seen during the Warren Court, but rather are the result of “social conditions related to race” that are largely ignored because “people don’t understand them as related to racial animus.”

    The way to bring the ethos of Brown into a new era, Brown-Nagin argued, requires the formation of new coalitions and policies that can address inequality but are not necessarily race-conscious. Race does matter, but in a time when Parents Involved has made addressing racial inequality in schools more difficult, Brown-Nagin made clear that the real solution is “to be creative and innovative in the policies that we choose.”

    ACSblog hosted a symposium on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Freedom Summer, and a collection of blog posts on the legacy of Brown v. Board. Watch the brief interview with Tomiko Brown-Nagin below or here