ACSBlog

  • August 13, 2014

    by Caroline Cox

    The Editorial Board of The New York Times explores the racial history that underlies the Ferguson, Mo. protests and the death of Michael Brown.  Peniel E. Joseph of The Root provides additional perspective in looking at the echoes of the Watts Rebellion in the protests.

    Brian Beutler of the New Republic writes that the claims of Halbig “Truthers” do not stand up to close scrutiny.

    The Washington Post’s Bonnie Berkowitz, Lazaro Gamio, Dan Keating, and Richard Johnson provide a breakdown of those put to death since the Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty in 1976.

    The Editorial Board of the Los Angeles Times argues against religious exemptions to the executive order prohibiting federal contractors from discriminating on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity.  

    The Equal Justice Initiative reports on a new study that finds “people were more supportive of harsh criminal justice policies the more African Americans they believed were in prison.”

  • August 13, 2014
    Video Interview

    by Caroline Cox

    This year marked the 50th anniversaries of both the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Freedom Summer, but these victories have not erased many persistent racial inequalities in the United States. In a discussion about race, education, and the legacy of Brown v. Board decision at the 2014 ACS National Convention, Tomiko Brown-Nagin, the Daniel P.S. Paul Professor of Constitutional Law and Professor of History at Harvard University, explained how the world has changed in the years after these civil rights landmarks.

    While Brown-Nagin argued that the United States has managed to achieve the promise of Brown in many respects, these successes are qualified. The decision slowly eliminated de jure segregation, but de facto segregation continues and even thrives in the post-Brown world. Brown-Nagin explained that public support is “shifting away from support for an affirmative movement of students across neighborhood lines, away from even having students of different races in the same school building.”

    The majority of people, according to Brown-Nagin, agree with the principle of racial equality. But this belief does not in and of itself mean that inequality no longer exists. This is not the inequality seen during the Warren Court, but rather are the result of “social conditions related to race” that are largely ignored because “people don’t understand them as related to racial animus.”

    The way to bring the ethos of Brown into a new era, Brown-Nagin argued, requires the formation of new coalitions and policies that can address inequality but are not necessarily race-conscious. Race does matter, but in a time when Parents Involved has made addressing racial inequality in schools more difficult, Brown-Nagin made clear that the real solution is “to be creative and innovative in the policies that we choose.”

    ACSblog hosted a symposium on the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Freedom Summer, and a collection of blog posts on the legacy of Brown v. Board. Watch the brief interview with Tomiko Brown-Nagin below or here

  • August 12, 2014

    by Caroline Cox

    Time’s Nolan Feeney reports that for the first time since June 2013 a prohibition against same-sex marriage has withstood a constitution challenge.

    The Editorial Board of The New York Times praises 16 states that have made it easier to vote despite the recent changes to the Voting Rights Act: “Congress needs to quit seeing voting in partisan terms and make it a fundamental right that cannot be limited by states trying to block access to the polls.”

    Dahlia Lithwick argues in Slate that Justice Breyer is the “unsung feminist” of the Supreme Court. 

    Adam Liptak of The New York Times discusses a new study from Harvard Law School Professor Cass R. Sunstein that questions the value of unanimity on the Supreme Court.

    In the Huffington Post, Philip Marcelo reports on Chief Justice Roberts’ recent comments at the American Bar Association’s annual meeting in which he advocated for lawyers to mend the growing partisan divide.

    The Brennan Center for Justice provides arguments against Arkansas’s new photo ID law based on an amicus brief filed yesterday. 

  • August 11, 2014

    by Caroline Cox

    The Editorial Board of The Washington Post calls for a removal of politics from judicial selection, “[t]he application of due process and the maintenance of Americans’ civil rights should be more isolated from the pressures of majoritarian elections.”

    Ari Berman writes for The Nation on the recent decision from the U.S.  District Court for the Middle District of North Carolina that denies a preliminary injunction to block provisions of one of the strictest voting laws in the country.   

    The Atlantic’s James Hamblin argues against a Florida law that bans doctors from talking about firearm safety with their patients.

    Abbe R. Gluck writes in Politico on the inconsistencies in the interpretation of Affordable Care Act found between the 2012 constitution challenge and the recent Halbig case. These inconsistencies seem to challenge the Halbig verdict and its reasoning.

    In The New York Times, Sonja B. Starr discusses the unfair and potentially unconstitutional practice of evidence-based sentencing. 

  • August 8, 2014
    Guest Post

    by Raha Wala, Senior Counsel, Defense & Intelligence, Human Rights First

    Last week President Obama admitted what most people have long known—that, in the president’s words, “we tortured some folks” after 9/11 in a bid to thwart future terrorist plots.  The president was referring to a soon-to-be released report by the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI) that documents the CIA’s use of torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment at secret “black sites” around the world in the wake of the 9/11 attacks. But the CIA has resisted and even undermined oversight on this critical issue from the beginning. And now current and former CIA leaders appear poised to mount a “counterattack” to undermine the report’s key findings and defend the so-called “enhanced interrogation” program. President Obama can’t let that happen.  He should direct members of his administration, including CIA Director Brennan, to get in line with the anti-torture policy he laid out when he—as one of his first official acts as president—signed an Executive Order shuttering the CIA black sites and banning torture and other forms of cruel treatment. 

    The SSCI report is the result of a five-year inquiry into the CIA rendition, detention and interrogation program; it began when the committee discovered that the CIA had disregarded warnings from the White House and destroyed videotapes of waterboarding and other brutal torture sessions. The report—a voluminous account, at 6,700 pages—is based on a review of more than 6 million pages of official documents, and is said to conclude that interrogations in the CIA program were much more widespread and brutal than previously known, and much less effective at gathering intelligence to stop terrorist plots than proponents of so-called “enhanced interrogation” claim. The report will show, for example, how the interrogation program played no meaningful role in gathering intelligence to help discover Osama Bin Laden’s whereabouts. It is also said to document how the CIA systematically misled Congress, the Department of Justice, and the White House about the effectiveness of the program. Senator Dianne Feinstein, Chair of the SSCI, has called the investigation into the CIA’s use of torture one of the most significant in the history of the United States Senate, and the most important oversight activity ever conducted by the SSCI. The executive summary, findings and conclusions of the SSCI report—about 600 pages of material—are set to be released in the coming weeks.