ACSBlog

  • March 14, 2013
    Guest Post

    by Judith E. Schaeffer, Vice President of the Constitutional Accountability Center. This post is cross-posted from CAC’s Text & History Blog.

    Today, the Senate Judiciary Committee was scheduled to vote on the nomination of Jane Kelly to the United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit. Nonetheless, even though Kelly is a highly qualified, uncontroversial nominee and her confirmation hearing on February 27 was a virtual love fest, no vote took place.

    Why not? Well, since the start of the Obama Administration, with only five exceptions,* Republicans on the Judiciary Committee have routinely invoked a procedural rule allowing them to insist that a scheduled vote on a nominee be held over – postponed until the Committee’s next meeting or until the following week, whichever is later. They invoked that rule again today, putting off a vote on Jane Kelly, another instance of a mindless abuse of a rule intended to provide more time when more time is actually needed, not a rule intended to put off votes on uncontroversial nominees purely for the sake of delay, which is how Republicans have been using it. The abuse of this rule is just one more example of the unprecedented obstruction to which Republicans have subjected President Obama’s judicial nominees for the past four years.

    Jane Kelly hails from Iowa, the home state of Senator Charles Grassley, Ranking Member of the Judiciary Committee. Apparently, however, not even senatorial courtesy to a well-qualified, uncontroversial, home state nominee could trump the relentless obstruction of the President’s judicial nominees. And so the damage to our Nation’s judiciary continues.

     *Thanks to my colleagues at People For the American Way for the statistics.

  • March 13, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    There was an opening early in the 113th Congress to make life a bit tougher on the Senate’s band of obstructionists – through reform of the filibuster. But the obstructionists’ ringleader, Sen. Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-K.Y.), deftly avoided real reform by saying the Obama administration’s nominations to the lower federal district courts would be moved along more quickly.

    But so-called reform has quickly proven rather lame. The president’s nominations to federal appeals courts as well as important executive branch positions remain in the cross-hairs of obstructionists who require a 60-vote majority before any action can be taken on those nominations or for that matter legislation.

    On March 6 the Senate killed the president’s nomination of Caitlin Halligan for as seat on the powerful U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. As Matt Vister noted earlier this week in an extensive piece for the Boston Globe the D.C. appeals court “has only seven out of 11 judges, the worst vacancy in its history and higher than any other federal circuit court nationwide. Obama has never been able to get a nominee on the court, symbolizing the Senate’s failure to approve nominations to dozens of courts nationwide.”

    And the Senate’s obstructionists are again taking aim at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which was created in part to prevent the shady practices employed by the financial industry, which helped usher in the Great Recession. Right-wing senators beholden to the nation’s superwealthy are demanding changes to the law that created the bureau or they will likely again filibuster Obama’s selection to head the bureau, former Ohio Attorney General Richard Cordray. Cordray was appointed to head the bureau during a recess of Congress. But an opinion from the D.C. Circuit – the court Obama has been blocked from appointing any judges – ruled earlier this year that the president’s three recess appoints to a hobbled National Labor Relations Board were unconstitutional. The Obama administration has appealed that ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court.

    Because Cordray’s appointment was made during a recess, it will expire and he’ll still need to be confirmed. But Republican obstructionists are threatening to block Cordray unless the financial reform law is weakened.

    Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) during a Senate Banking Committee yesterday blasted the obstructionism, saying, “I think that the delay in getting him confirmed is bad for consumers, it’s bad for small banks, it’s bad for credit unions, it’s bad for anyone trying to offer an honest product in an honest market. The American people deserve a Congress that worries less about helping big banks and more about helping regular people who have been cheated on mortgages, on credit cards, on student loans, on credit reports.” The Philadelphia Inquirer’s Jeff Gelles has more on Warren’s comments and a link to video of the hearing.)

    Today TPM’s Brian Beutler reports that Obama during a meeting with Democrats this week “expressed his frustration with Republican slow-walking and filibustering of key nominees, and urged them to address the issue ….”

     

  • March 12, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    While President Obama has advanced some eloquent calls for expanding equality, his administration must take more action to ensure equality in the workforce, according to a new ACS Issue Brief.

    Landmark measures such as Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and President Lyndon Johnson’s executive order banning federal contractors from employment discrimination have been undermined by federal judges far too eager to protect the rights of employers, write Ellen Eardley and Cyrus Mehri in “Defending Twentieth Century Equal Employment Reforms in the Twenty-First Century.” 

    Citing Simon Lazarus, an attorney with the Constitutional Accountability Center, Eardley and Mehri write that lower federal court judges “have been ‘aggressively activist in narrowing, undermining, and effectively nullifying an array of progressive statutes,’ including statutes involving civil rights and affirmative action.” Eardley and Mehri, attorneys with Mehri & Skalet, PLLC, also note that former federal court judge Nancy Gertner has “recently declared that ‘changes in substantive discrimination law since the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 [are] tantamount to a virtual repeal.’”

    The authors also cite a study from the Harvard Law & Policy Review, the official journal of ACS, which reveals data showing that from 1979 through 2007 judges have increasingly sided with employers in employment discrimination cases and that the rare victories for workers are frequently invalidated at the appellate level. The study by Stewart J. Schwab and Kevin Clermont “found that the anti-plaintiff effect on appeal particularly disturbing because employment discrimination cases are fact-intensive and often turn on the credibility of witnesses.”

    And it’s not just the lower courts that have made it difficult for workers to challenge employer malfeasance, the authors add, noting that the U.S. Supreme Court has issued opinions making it tougher to bring class actions claims and providing federal courts with greater power to quickly dismiss workers’ employment discrimination cases.

    “The Draconian view of Title VII, distortion of the basic principles of civil procedure, and the new hurdles to class certification adopted by the federal judiciary make it difficult for employees to vindicate their rights,” Eardley and Mehri write.

  • March 11, 2013

    by E. Sebastian Arduengo

    The Financial Industry Regulatory Authority or FINRA recently found that Charles Schwab, violated FINRA consumer protection rules by including provisions in customer agreements where customers waived their right to assert claims through the class action mechanism. The punishment for trying to structure a customer agreement that effectively allows Schwab to cheat their customers without fear of repercussion? A slap on the wrist.

    FINRA's weak action was a result of the U.S. Supreme Court's opinion in AT&T v. Concepcion. The Court held that arbitration agreements that waived a party’s ability to bring a class action must be enforced, even if they were in “take it or leave it” contracts of adhesion, where the consumer had no choice but to agree if they wanted cell phone service. At the time, The New York Times noted “the decision … appeared to provide businesses with a way to avoid class-action lawsuits in court. All they need do … is use standard-form contracts that require two things: that disputes be raised only through the informal mechanism of arbitration and that claims be brought one by one.”  

    This brings us back to the FINRA decision, which is a perfect application of the litigation strategy outlined by The Times, and shows why Concepcion was such a terrific decision for corporate America (not so much for the rest of us). In direct response to the Supreme Court’s ruling in Concepcion , Schwab put new waiver provisions in their 2011 customer agreements, which covered close to seven million customers. The waivers that they put into the 2011 customer agreements were worded such that any customer claim against Schwab had to be arbitrated “solely on an individual, case-by-case basis.”

  • March 8, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Advocates of privacy rights, especially reproductive rights, have had one challenge after another mostly from state lawmakers bent on destroying those rights.  

    As reported earlier this week, religious groups were successful in lobbying the Arkansas legislature to adopt what The New York Times called the “country’s most restrictive ban on abortion – at 12 weeks” of pregnancy.

    The landmark U.S. Supreme Court case, Roe v. Wade, found that the Constitution provides women “the right of personal privacy,” which “includes the abortion decision ….” Like many rights protected in the Constitution it’s not an unlimited one. And the Roe Court found that states have a compelling interest to regulate abortion at the point of viability, usually around 24 weeks, as The Times notes.

    The law’s sponsor, according to The Times, “compared the more than 50 million abortions in the United States since Roe” to the “Holocaust ….”

    That overwrought language is unfortunately typical of too many state lawmakers from coast to coast who for over the past several years have strived to create more laws to make it much more difficult for women to obtain abortions. As former U.S. Solicitor General Walter Dellinger has noted, it’s annoyingly ironic that conservative lawmakers who blasted the Affordable Care Act as attempting to strip liberty from Americans are the ones pushing laws depriving women of their liberties. Women have the ability to make health care decisions for themselves, but right-wing lawmakers are more concerned about embryos, which do not have constitutional rights.

    Because the Arkansas law so blatantly violates Roe, it is likely to be quickly challenged, as it should be.

    Ilyse Hogue, president of NARAL Pro-Choice American, blasted the law, saying “This is another example of how anti-choice politicians are obsessed with rolling back reproductive rights guaranteed by the Supreme Court’s Roe v. Wade decision more than 40 years ago. This law robs women of control over their own lives and puts that control in the hands of politicians in Little Rock. This intrusive, extreme agenda is out of touch with our nation’s values and priorities – and we stand firmly in opposition.”

    Too many state lawmakers have been obsessed with restricting the rights of women. Their priorities are regressive and obnoxious in the face of budget difficulties and people who need jobs or government services to help them become trained for new jobs. Instead of harassing women, state lawmakers should focus on issues that will bolster, not harm their communities.