ACSBlog

  • April 4, 2013
    Guest Post

    by Holning Lau, Associate Professor of Law, University of North Carolina School of Law

    In my home state of North Carolina -- the most recent and probably last state to amend its constitution to ban same-sex marriage -- I have been fielding lots of questions from local couples wondering what impact, if any, the Supreme Court’s pending marriage cases will have here. The cases arose in California and New York. How might litigation that started so far away change things in our neck of the woods?

    The cases before the Supreme Court -- Hollingsworth v. Perry and United States v. Windsor -- are unlikely to have any immediate legal impact on same-sex couples in places like North Carolina. With that said, the cases can accelerate change in our part of the country, and they have already given us a lot to celebrate. In this post, I will use North Carolina as an example to elaborate on these points, but my underlying analysis can be applied to any one of the many states that currently, like North Carolina, offer no legal recognition to same-sex relationships.

    Immediate legal impact

    Let’s start with why the two cases probably won’t directly or immediately affect legal rights in North Carolina. Hollingsworth is the case about Prop 8, the ballot measure banning same-sex marriage in California. The case concerns whether a state can deny same-sex couples the right to marry. The Court could take Hollingsworth as an opportunity to declare that no state, including North Carolina, is permitted to deprive same-sex couples of that right. Indeed, I helped to prepare an amicus brief that supports that conclusion and I certainly welcome it. Conventional wisdom, however, is that the Court won’t make such a bold move. Some supporters of marriage equality counsel against a bold move, fearing the backlash that it would foment.

    Based on last week’s oral arguments, I suspect most of the justices are struggling to choose between dismissing the case on procedural grounds and striking down Prop 8 in a way that minimizes spillover effects to other states. I doubt that a majority of the justices will vote to uphold Prop 8.

    Dismissing the case on procedural grounds (discussed more fully here) would allow the Court to avoid having to either strike down or uphold Prop 8. It would simply be saying that, for technical reasons, the case is not properly before the Supreme Court. If the Court adopts this reasoning, Prop 8 would be unconstitutional because the California couples prevailed in lower court. However, because the Supreme Court itself would not be saying anything about same-sex marriage, states beyond California would remain unaffected.

  • April 4, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The inability of President Obama to fill vacant seats on one of the nation’s most powerful courts, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, has belatedly caught the attention of a few beltway reporters. And unsurprisingly several of those longtime reporters have framed the story in a typical, albeit lazy, fashion – it’s both the Republicans and the administration’s fault. It’s a story they are trained to write. Place blame on both parties, question whether there’s really anything new here and then walk away.

    So one must look to writers like Andrew Sullivan, Thomas Mann and Norman Ornstein or the Constitutional Accountability Center’s Judith Schaeffer for an accurate picture of the debacle that is the judicial nominations process.

    The current fight over the judiciary has very little to do with the pace by which the administration has nominated potential judges. It has everything to do with a Republican Party that has grown increasingly radical. It’s a Party that is oblivious to the last two presidential elections, won fairly handily by a Democrat, and beholden to interests that need a federal bench that tilts heavily rightward – to protect corporate interests. So Republican senators, led by Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky), have not taken their constitutional duty to provide advice and consent seriously and abused the filibuster to greatly slow the pace of judicial confirmations. This has led to vacancies across the country hovering above 80 for far too long.

    As Sullivan wrote in March, President Obama is “not equally at fault here. This should be a steady, reasonable process – especially for utterly uncontroversial nominees. The American system requires some give-and-take, some acknowledgment that when you lose an election, you cooperate with the winner and take some responsibility for important institutions, like the federal courts. And yet this core conservative instinct to preserve the constitutional order and process has disappeared in the fanaticism of the current GOP. They are behaving like moody teenagers with grudges.”

    The Republican obstructionists’ actions have likely had the most adverse effect on the D.C. Circuit, where they recently filibustered one of Obama’s selections for the D.C. Circuit, which hears some of the most important constitutional matters of any of the federal appeals circuits. It hears, for instance, challenges to new regulations aimed at enforcing the Clean Air and Clean Water federal laws. It is also a Court that tilts rightward and has shown great hostility to regulations aimed at protecting our environment – good for corporate interests, harmful to the health of many Americans. 

  • April 3, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Even before the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral argument in two cases dealing with government discrimination of gay couples who want to get married, a growing chorus of legal scholars and others urged the high court to move slowly. Because, according to these folks, if the justices declare that lesbians and gay men have a constitutionally protected right to wed, a backlash against the marriage equality movement could be unleashed.

    And proof for such a backlash centers on the high court’s 1973 Roe v. Wade opinion, which found that the right of privacy includes the right of women to make their own decisions on abortion. According to proponents of moving slowly on marriage equality, Roe sparked a backlash against growing support of abortion and now we have state after state trying to trample the fundamental right. Therefore the backlash proponents argue that the justices should learn from Roe and avoid handing down a ruling that would end government discrimination against gay couples seeking to wed. This backlash story has been fueled in part by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who while defending the Roe decision, said the Court moved to fast.

    But as an editorial in The New York Times notes, the backlash proponents are basing their argument on a “false reading of politics before and after Roe v. Wade ….” The editorial cites the work of ACS Board Members Linda Greenhouse and Reva Siegel, both teach at Yale Law School, documenting the fact that the fevered opposition to reproductive rights was forming long before the high court handed down Roe.

    In a 2010 interview with ACSblog, highlighting their Before Roe v. Wade book, Greenhouse and Siegel said the documentation they collected for the book showed “that, contrary to the commonly expressed view that it was the Supreme Court and its decision that unleashed a ‘backlash’ against abortion reform, a vigorous counter-movement was forming well before Roe. In the late 1960s, as public support for liberalization surged, the Catholic Church helped organized an anti-abortion movement to oppose liberalization in every state legislature and court considering abortion laws. Strategists for President Nixon’s 1972 re-election then decided to denounce ‘permissive’ abortion laws to attract Catholics from their longtime affiliation with the Democratic Party and court the support of a ‘silent majority.’”

     

  • April 2, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Senate Republicans bent on obstructing the Obama administration’s efforts to fill vacancies on the federal bench may be feeling a bit of pressure to back off their political agenda for the sake of one of the nation’s most powerful appeals courts.

    Last month Republicans filibustered the president’s nomination of Caitlin Halligan to fill one of the four vacancies on the 11-member U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. The president had tried numerous times to place Halligan, the general counsel for the Manhattan district attorney’s office, on the Court, but Senate Republicans refused to allow an up-or-down vote citing flimsy claims that she is a left-wing ideologue unfit to serve. Not long after the latest filibuster, Halligan withdrew her nomination. As NPR’s Carrie Johnson reports the appeals court, which hears of range of weighty constitutional matters, has more vacancies than any other appeals court circuit. (ACS President Caroline Fredrickson in an interview with NPR noted the partisan leaning of the D.C. appeals court and its importance in handling challenges to federal regulations. “The clean air that we breathe, we hope to breathe, the clean water that we’d like to drink [and] all the EPA regulations around climate change are subject to this court’s review. And this court has shown itself extraordinarily hostile to efforts to protect people from environmental dangers.”)

    The Senate Judiciary Committee is scheduled to conduct an April 10 hearing to consider another Obama nominee to the D.C. appeals court circuit, Sri Srinivasan, the principal deputy solicitor general. Srinivasan was nominated to the D.C. Circuit nearly a year ago, but like Halligan, his nomination has faced Republican opposition. Srinivasan, born in India and raised in the U.S., has not been attacked as an ideologue for a seat on the federal bench, instead Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa), the Senate Judiciary Committee’s Ranking Member, has demanded information from the Department of Justice to determine whether Srinivasan was involved in the settlement of case involving city officials in St. Paul, Minn. (Grassley has suggested that city officials agreed to settle a case that could have resulted in a ruling weakening an enforcement provision of the Fair Housing Act in return for the DOJ’s agreement not to pursue and unrelated case. As The Blog of Legal Times reported earlier this year that Grassley has not suggested that Srinivasan “did anything inappropriate or improper,” but he wants to see more documentation to determine what, if any, role Srinivasan played.) If confirmed to the seat, Srinivasan would be the first South Asian to sit on the appeals court bench.

    Yesterday, White House Press Secretary Jay Carney urged senators to move on the nomination. He called the Principal Deputy Solicitor General a “highly respected appellate advocate who as has spent a distinguished career litigating before the U.S. Supreme Court and the U.S. Court of Appeals, both in private practice and on behalf of the United States for both Democratic and Republican administrations.”

     

  • April 1, 2013

    by E. Sebastian Arduengo

    NPR recently aired a sobering account of the state of Social Security Disability Insurance (Disability) a government program that provides 14 million Americans with a sustenance income,while providing them no real means of addressing their physical or mental affliction or economic poverty. In fact, less than one percent of people ever transition from Disability into the world of work with all of its attendant benefits, like raises, meaningfulness, social contact, etc., meager as those may be with some jobs. Most people simply die while on Disability or lurch onto regular Social Security, the government social insurance program that provides benefits to the elderly.

    In the severely depressed labor market of the Great Recession, which itself greatly favors information-centric skills, many older workers with little education who have been laid off from manufacturing jobs feel that going on to disability is a better choice for making it to retirement than spending their last few years in a menial job where they have to stand all day. But, it’s not just former blue collar workers in the Mississippi valley and Pacific Northwest that are going on disability. In cities across the country, entire families subsist off of the disability check they receive because they have a child with a learning disability.

    It’s a system that is riddled with perverse incentives. If a child on disability starts to succeed in school that actually threatens the family’s livelihood. So, it’s actually in the best interests of the family financially if a child continues to struggle in school. Unlike Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (welfare), if a beneficiary starts to work, they aren’t eased off of the program – they face a real risk of immediately losing all of their benefits.