workplace discrimination

  • June 14, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Ian S. Thompson, Washington Legislative Office & Dena Sher, Washington Legislative Office. This analysis is cross-posted at the ACLU blog Washington Markup.


    On Tuesday, the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions held an important hearing on workplace discrimination experienced by those who are or perceived to be lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBT). The hearing addressed the need for federal legislation, the Employment Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA), to create uniform protections for LGBT people in the workplace.   The sad reality remains that it is legal to fire or refuse to hire workers based on sexual orientation in 29 states and gender identity in 34 states.

    The ACLU has long championed ENDA: American workers – who stand side-by-side in the workplace and contribute with equal measure in their jobs – should be able to stand on equal footing under the law. While our support for this essential legislation remains unchanged, we voiced concerns about two provisions. Things have changed in the nearly two decades since ENDA was first introduced and we believe the bill should be updated to reflect this reality. 

  • September 7, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Piper Hoffman. Ms. Hoffman is an employment attorney and writer. She blogs at piperhoffman.com.
    Dukes v. Wal-Mart, the largest class action in history, continues its tortuous journey through the federal court system with a knock at the Supreme Court's door. Plaintiffs won class certification in the district court over six years ago, then won again before a Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals panel, then won again in a rehearing before the same panel, then won again after Wal-Mart got a rehearing en banc. With nowhere else to go, Wal-Mart has petitioned the Supreme Court for certiorari.

    The Dukes class sues Wal-Mart for gender discrimination. The first paragraph of its Third Amended Complaint sum up its accusations:

    Wal-Mart is the largest retailer in the world and the largest private employer in the United States ... There are two workforces at Wal-Mart. By far the largest workforce is female, which comprises over 72% of the hourly sales employees, yet only one-third of management positions. This workforce is predominantly assigned to the lowest paying positions with the least chance of advancement. The other workforce is male. This workforce is the reverse image of the female workforce-it comprises less than 28% of the hourly sales workers, yet holds two-thirds of all store management positions and over 90% of the top Store Manager positions. This disparate distribution of the genders is the result of purposeful discrimination and of practices that serve no reasonable business purpose yet have a disproportionate impact on women.

    Wal-Mart's brief to the Supreme Court reads like the Hail Mary pass that it is. (Dukes's response to the petition is due September 24.) The company's attorneys shoved in every argument they could dream up, including repeating one of the Ninth Circuit dissenting opinions essentially in toto. But their primary theme can be summed up in one sentence: Wal-Mart is so big that bringing a class action against it would be unfair - to Wal-Mart.

    Since that is not grounds for granting certiorari, Wal-Mart argues instead that the Supreme Court should take the case because of any number of disagreements among and even within the Circuits. But the en banc Ninth Circuit opinion, 603 F.3d 571, 582 (9th Cir. 2010), analyzes these alleged disagreements in depth and demonstrates that they are unworthy of certiorari. For instance, the district courts have demonstrated some confusion in following Miles v. Merrill Lynch & Co. (In re Initial Pub. Offerings Securities Litigation), 471 F.3d 24 (2d Cir. 2006), the case that requires courts to determine that all of the Rule 23 factors necessary for class certification are satisfied, even if the court must examine facts or questions that overlap with the merits in order to make that determination. While different circuits may have expressed their standards in different language, the Ninth Circuit shows that the Supreme Court already announced the necessary law in Gen. Tel. Co. of Sw. v. Falcon, 457 U.S. 147, 160 (1982).

  • August 25, 2010
    For the second time a federal appeals court panel rejected jury awards in favor of African-American plaintiffs who alleged discrimination against the poultry company Tyson. In a 2-1 decision, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit found that a Tyson manager's use of the word "boy" to address a black man, John Hithon, did not amount to evidence of racial discrimination.

    Hithon denied a promotion at the Gadsden, Ala., poultry plant, argued that manager Tom Hatley had discriminated against him, citing, among other things, Hatley's derogatory usage of "boy." In 2002, Hithon and other employees of the plant lodged a lawsuit alleging racial discrimination and a jury found in their favor awarding hundreds of thousands in compensatory damages and $1.5 million in punitive damages. A federal magistrate judge invalidated the jury's verdict maintaining that racial discrimination was not proved, and in 2005 a panel of the Eleventh Circuit upheld that ruling. But the U.S. Supreme Court heard an appeal of the case and found that the use of the word boy could prove racial bias. "The speaker's meaning may depend on various factors including context, inflection, tone of voice, local custom and historical usage," the high court ruled in remanding the case to the Eleventh Circuit. The remand also produced another jury trial, which again found in favor of Hithon and the other black employee, Anthony Ash.

    But the Eleventh Circuit, in its recent ruling (pdf) in Ash v. Tyson Foods, Inc., refused to budge from its earlier decision, concluding that there was not new evidence to show the use of the word was discriminatory, Law.Com reported. But U.S. District Senior Judge David D. Dowd Jr., appointed to the bench by President Reagan, in a dissent said the jury verdicts should have been upheld.

    In a column for Daily Report, Stephen B. Bright, president and senior counsel of the Southern Center for Human Rights, wrote that the latest decision is a troubling reminder of the need for diversity on the Eleventh Circuit.

    Bright wrote:

    These two white judges [referring to Eleventh Circuit Judges Edward E. Carnes and William H. Pryor, Jr., of the majority in Ash], residing in their judicial palaces as far away from the lives of ordinary people as one can get, purport to know more about what it means when a white overseer calls an African-American man ‘boy' than 24 Alabamians selected for two federal juries.

    ...

    This march back to Jim Crow would surely be more difficult if there were more people of color on the federal bench. About a quarter of the population of three states that make up the 11th Circuit is made up of African Americans and Hispanics. Yet there have been only two black judges on the 12-member 11th Circuit in its history, and they have served one at a time. There is only one active African-American federal judge in all of Georgia today, Judge W. Louis Sands in the Middle District. The Northern District of Georgia, which includes Atlanta and has three African Americans representing it in Congress, has no African American judges in active status at this time.

     

  • January 6, 2010
    Guest Post

    By David L. Hudson Jr., a First Amendment Scholar at the Freedom Forum First Amendment Center. Hudson writes regularly on free-speech and employment discrimination cases.

    In recent years the U.S. Supreme Court has proved a fair and friendly forum for those asserting claims of retaliation under discrimination statutes such as Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. In Burlington Northern v. White (2006), the Court explained that an employer can retaliate within the meaning of Title VII with actions short of terminations and other ultimate employment actions. In Crawford v. Metro Gov't of Nashville (2009), the Court ruled that Title VII's opposition clause extended to an employee who was terminated after she participated in an employee's internal investigation.

    Both Burlington Northern and Crawford arose out of the Sixth Circuit. Some court-watchers say it is likely that the Supreme Court will pluck another Sixth Circuit Title VII retaliation case from its docket. The Court may hear Thompson v. North American Stainless (09-291) to determine whether Title VII's anti-retaliation provision protects an employee who alleged he was terminated in retaliation for his then-fiancée's (now his wife) EEOC claim alleging sex discrimination.

    The facts as framed by Thompson certainly reek of retaliation in the layman's sense of the word. Eric Thompson worked for more than five years as an engineer for North American Stainless. Thompson's fiancée, Miriam Regalado, filed an EEOC charge against North American Stainless for gender discrimination. The EEOC notified the company of the discrimination charge on March 7, 2003. Three weeks later, the company terminated Thompson, claiming it was for performance-based reasons. Query - if it really was for performance-based reasons why did the company base its decision only a few weeks after his fiancée's discrimination claim.

    Thompson alleged unlawful retaliation under Title VII. The company countered that he was not retaliated against within the meaning of Title VII because he (Thompson) did not actively oppose any unlawful employment practice or participate in any discrimination proceeding. The company contended that Thompson failed to allege that he personally engaged in any protected activity.

  • September 28, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Liz Seaton, Director of Projects and Managing Attorney, National Center for Lesbian Rights (NCLR)

    The Employment Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA), (HR 3017) and (S 1584), is federal legislation intended to prohibit discrimination in employment based on sexual orientation or gender identity and expression. This legislation, now pending in both chambers of Congress, is both critically needed and long overdue.

    Recently, the House Education and Labor Committee held a hearing on ENDA (pictures, testimony, and video are available here). The hearing featured witnesses who provided compelling testimony about the incidence and severity of discrimination, about the scope of the measure and its carefully drafted provisions, about the bill's relationship to existing federal law, the workplace non-discrimination policies in corporate America, and about the religious exemption in the bill.

    Their testimony clearly demonstrated both that discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in the workplace is a serious problem that should be explicitly addressed in federal law, and that ENDA is a practical, workable solution that should be enacted into law to remedy the problem. The current patchwork of state and local laws that ban discrimination based on sexual orientation and/or gender identity is simply inadequate to remedy the widespread pattern of discrimination against U.S. workers on these bases.