Voting rights

  • October 19, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Too many progressives have faltered in highlighting the impact nine justices on the nation’s highest court can have on the lives of millions of Americans. The Constitutional Accountability Center’s Simon Lazarus lays the case out over at CAC’s Text and History Blog, noting that during the second presidential debate an opportunity was missed to show how the conservative justices of the Roberts Court increasingly advance corporate interests, while making life tougher on individuals.

    As Lazarus notes, a question from the town hall audience prompted the candidates try and address the ongoing lack of pay equity – women still earn significantly less than their male counterparts. President Obama responded by highlighting his signing of the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act. The law was named after the Alabama women who struggled to hold Goodyear Tire & Rubber Company accountable for paying her far less than men at the company doing the same work. After Ledbetter (pictured) sued the company, a jury found in her favor and awarded her hundreds of thousands of dollars in back pay. But the company appealed and the case eventually reached the high court in 2007. The rightwing bloc of the Supreme Court in Ledbetter v. Goodyear Tire reversed course and found that Ledbetter could not move forward with her lawsuit under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 seeking equal pay for equal work. The rightwing justices essentially said that Ledbetter had waited too long to bring the action, even though she did not discover the discrimination until her retirement from the Goodyear Tire plant.

    During this year’s ACS National Convention, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who lodged a dissent in Ledbetter, said the decision was “entirely out of touch with the real world of work.”

    The Ledbetter Act trumps the high court’s out-of-touch majority opinion by allowing for a realistic timeframe for workers to bring employment discrimination cases.

    But Lazarus says progressives, including the president, have failed to “take a cue from Senator [Patrick] Leahy, who has held numerous hearings over the past four years to ‘shine a light on how the Supreme Court’s decisions affect Americans’ everyday lives.’”

  • October 16, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Yet another federal court has dealt a major blow to Ohio Secretary of State Jon Husted’s dogged work to restrict voting in his state – this time it was provided by the U.S. Supreme Court. Today the justices refused to consider a federal appeals court opinion that blocked Husted’s attempt to shut down early voting days before the general election, The Plain Dealer reported.

    In 2008, the state allowed early voting during the three days before Election Day. Husted has fought to close that window. The Obama campaign and Ohio groups sued Husted arguing that the measure to limit early voting would greatly hinder the right to vote of tens of thousands of people. (The campaign argued that in 2008 about 100,000 people voted in the three days preceding the general election.)

    Rick Hasen, at Election Law Blog, says the action by the high court is part of “a run in the courts for those fighting Republican legislative cutbacks on voting rights in 2012.”

    Last week, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit also kept in place an injunction against a provision of Ohio law that placed a large burden on voters to ensure they were casting the correct ballots at the right precinct. The injunction will allow ballots cast in the wrong precinct because of poll workers’ errors to be counted.

    In an ACS Issue Brief, Loyola Law school professor Justin Levitt said attempts to curtail early voting do “not fall evenly on the population as a whole” noting that in past elections minorities overwhelmingly used the early voting windows. “In 2008, for example, African-Americans represented 13 percent of the total voters, and 22 percent of the early voters, but 31 percent of the total voters on the final Sunday,” before Election Day.

  • October 12, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Just as the nation is beset with invidious and widespread voter fraud, according to rightwing pundits and activists, there exists little, if any, intent among state lawmakers to suppress the vote of certain groups of people, like minorities.

    But in reality claims of voter fraud are wobbly, for there’s not much evidence it actually exists and racial discrimination whether overt or latent most certainly continues to hinder the nation’s long and difficult march toward full equality for all.

    Earlier this week a three-judge panel of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia blocked South Carolina’s voter ID law, R54, from being implemented for the 2012 elections. The federal court found that state election officials did not have sufficient time to implement the law in compliance with Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, which prohibits states from implementing laws that have the intent or the effect “of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color.” Section 5 requires states and localities with histories of denying minorities the right to vote, South Caroline is one such state, to get “pre-clearance” from the federal court in D.C. or the Department of Justice.   

    The federal court in South Carolina v. U.S. granted pre-clearance for S.C.’s voter ID law for future elections, but only after S.C. lawmakers had made revisions to the law to ensure it did not subvert the Voting Rights Act. In addition the court noted that racial discrimination still exists in this nation and highlighted the importance of the law’s Sec. 5 pre-clearance provision.

    In the majority opinion, Judge Brett Kavanaugh emphasized the continued need for Sec. 5, saying, “Racial insensitivity, racial bias, and indeed outright racism are still problems throughout the United States as of 2012. We see that reality on an all-too-frequent basis.”

    And the only reason the S.C. voter ID law won pre-clearance for future elections rested primarily on changes to the law that provided for a “reasonable impediment provision,” which is meant to “ensure that all voters of all races with non-photo voter registration cards continue to have access to the polling place to the same degree they did under” the state’s previous voter ID law. The reasonable impediment provision is supposed to allow voters who show up at their precincts without a photo ID to still cast a provisional ballot if they sign an affidavit saying why they could not obtain an ID, such as inability to travel to an office to get the ID, illness, work-related matters, among other subjective reasons. And the provisional ballot, according to how the law has been interpreted, will be counted unless evidence surfaces that an affidavit is false.

    But Media Matters’ Sergio Muñoz points out that some rightwing media are, perhaps not surprisingly, claiming that the decision is actually a ringing endorsement of the need to kill Sec. 5 of the Voting Rights Act.

  • October 9, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The efforts by Republican controlled statehouses to create more hurdles to voting, such as limiting early voting, creating onerous voter identification requirements, and making it more difficult to conduct voter registration drives, are hardly a recent trend.

    Victoria Bassetti, author of Electoral Dysfunction: A Survival Manual for American Voters, argues in numerous articles that for a country that prides itself on its form of democracy the burdens on voting do not make good public policy nor provide a solid foundation for a healthy democracy. (This month PBS will air an “Electoral Dysfunction” documentary; the book is a companion piece to the documentary.)

    In a piece for The Washington Post, Bassetti says our system of voting is “mystifying” to other countries, largely because of the burdens we place on voting.

    “In the United States, we put the burden on the voter,” she writes. “And in doing so, we keep company with nations such as the Bahamas, Belize and Burundi.”

    While maintaining that very few would label voter registration “anti-democratic,” she notes that “many political and social scientists believe that our country’s practice of putting the registration burden on individuals, coupled with outmoded, paper-intense registration systems, are major causes of the United States’ perennially low voter turnout. One study estimated that voter registration barriers in the United States depress turnout by 5 to 10 percent.”

    In an Oct. 6 column for The New York Times, Bassetti explores how low turnout “produces poor representation, which produces laws people are disinclined to obey and so undermine the process.” She also mentions a rather interesting study regarding how difficult it can be for men to vote, especially if their candidates lose. The study, produced by scientists at Duke and University of Michigan, has something to do with testosterone levels in men and people with normal serotonin levels. (Simply or crudely put, voting can be tough on men because of testosterone reactions and people with weak serotonin systems.)

    Though interesting, Bassetti says such studies are not especially helpful to handling “complex issues facing our democracy.”

    Some of that complexity centers on the bureaucratic mess voting has become in many states.

  • October 2, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    After being ordered by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court to reconsider an earlier ruling, a state judge reversed course and temporarily blocked several provisions of the state’s ridiculously rigid voter identification law.

    In Sept. the state’s high court threw the case back to Commonwealth Court Judge Robert Simpson ordering him to reexamine whether the state’s process for obtaining the voter ID cards unduly impeded the right to vote. If Judge Simpson could not be convinced “that there will be no voter disenfranchisement arising out of the Commonwealth’s implementation of a voter identification requirement,” he would be “obliged to enter a preliminary injunction,” the state Supreme Court ruled.

    In testimony before Simpson the state argued that changes could be made to make it easier for voters to obtain the ID cards. In today’s ruling, Simpson noted problems he had with the state’s changes. For one thing, Simpson wrote, “the proposed changes are accompanied by candid admissions by government officials that any new deployment will reveal unforeseen problems which impede implementation.”

    Ultimately it was concern over disenfranchisement that led Simpson to bar some of the ID law, saying he was not “convinced in my predictive judgment that there will be no voter disenfranchisement arising out of the Commonwealth’s implementation of a voter identification requirement for the purposes of the upcoming election.”

    But Simpson did not reject the state’s effort to implement a voter ID law. The judge said he rejected the argument that the “offending activity is the request to produce photo ID; instead, I conclude that the salient offending conduct is voter disenfranchisement.”

    So Simpson said he would not bar election officials from asking for photo IDs at the polls, but that voters could not be turned away if they could not produce the new voter IDs. The voter disenfranchisement, Simpsons said, was found in the law’s requirement surrounding provisional ballots.

    The voter ID law, one of several recently enacted throughout the country, was a partisan affair, with one of its sponsors telling a gathering of Republicans that it would help Mitt Romney carry the state in November.

    Another of the law’s supporters, state Rep. Daryl Metcalfe (R-Butler), blasted Simpson’s ruling today as so-called judicial activism, The Philadelphia Inquirer reported. Rep. Metcalfe said today’s court action was “skewed in favor of the lazy who refuse to exercise the necessary work ethic to meet the commonsense requirements to obtain an acceptable photo ID.”