tort reform

  • March 12, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Sidney Shapiro, University Distinguished Chair at Wake Forest University School of Law and a member scholar at the Center for Progressive Reform. This commentary is cross-posted at CPRBlog.


    In 1975, Indiana lawmakers joined a small but growing group of state legislatures passing aggressive medical malpractice “reforms.” Indiana’s law capped damages that victims of medical malpractice can recover at $500,000 and eliminated damages for pain-and-suffering altogether, Frank Cornelius, a lobbyist for the Insurance Institute of Indiana, played a role in helping pass this legislation. Twenty years later, Cornelius suffered a tragic series of negligent medical errors that left him wheelchair-bound, dependent on a respirator to breathe, and requiring a morphine drip for continuous physical pain. Facing medical expenses and lost wages of $5 million if he lived to retirement age, Cornelius experienced first-hand the effects of his lobbying for the insurance industry: he was forced to settle his claims for the $500,000 limit. In an op-ed in The New York Times several years later, Mr. Cornelius told his story, expressing regret and noting, sadly, if ironically, that the reforms he brought had failed to control health care spending in Indiana.

    In pursuing their assault on the civil justice system, corporate lobbyists support legislation like that passed in Indiana by arguing the tort system leads to “defensive medicine.” A new Center for Progressive Reform White Paper, The Truth About Torts: Defensive Medicine and the Unsupported Case for Medical Malpractice ‘Reform,’ refutes their claim that “defensive medicine” is a reason for increasing health care costs. My CPR colleague, Tom McGarity and I, along with CPR analysts Nicholas Vidargas and James Goodwin, show how conservative and business interests press their claims about defensive medicine despite the fact that there is no reasonable evidence to support their arguments.

    As health care spending in the United States has grown, corporate lobbyists have pressed their case that physicians react to their perceived litigation risk by practicing “defensive medicine,” making medical decisions to avoid potential litigation, instead of with their patients’ health and safety in mind. Sure, doctors are mindful of the threat of litigation, and may change their behavior accordingly. But, according to recent research, at best only about 2 percent of all health care costs may be attributable to “defensive medicine.” The actual number, however, is likely to be less. Even the analysts who estimate that defensive medicine is responsible for 2 percent of health care costs recognize the evidence supporting that number is weak.

  • October 6, 2011
    BookTalk
    The Myth of Choice
    Personal Responsibility in a World of Limits
    By: 
    Kent Greenfield

    By Kent Greenfield, a law professor and Law Fund Research Scholar at Boston College Law School.


    Americans love to be able to choose. The typical grocery store has more than 45,000 different items; the average American family has access to about 120 television channels. Glenn Beck opines, “for us to be able to choose, that’s a blessing.”

    An analogue to the fixation on choice is the focus on personal responsibility.  Because people make choices, they should be able to take personal responsibility for those they make. This sounds like something all of us could agree on, even in this especially tendentious moment in political history.

    My new book, The Myth of Choice: Personal Responsibility In a World of Limits, articulates some reasons to question this mantra of choice and personal responsibility.

    Choice is limited in all kinds of ways. Humans are limited by brain science, habit, authority, culture, and the so-called “free” market, which restricts as much as it empowers. We are easily overwhelmed by choice. Consider the grocery store and television statistics mentioned above -- studies show that people are happier when they choose among fewer, not more, items; television viewers may want lots of channels but actually watch only a handful. 

    Acknowledging the limits on choice is the first step toward recognizing the insidious nature of “personal responsibility” rhetoric. More and more, those on the right equate “personal responsibility” with choice. It is not about maturity or accountability but simply another way of saying that individuals get to make choices for themselves; they are masters of their fate.

    This brand of personal responsibility is used to oppose health care reform, support tort reform, and explain away problems of homelessness or delays in hurricane response. It uses a respect for individual choice to make the political point that government should be small, uninvolved, and deferential to individual decisions.

  • September 22, 2011
    BookTalk
    All the Justice Money Can Buy
    Corporate Greed on Trial
    By: 
    Snigdha Prakash

    By Snigdha Prakash, an investigative journalist and former NPR reporter. Prakash received the Fund for Investigative Journalism's Gene Roberts Book Award for All the Justice Money Can Buy: Corporate Greed on Trial, her first book.


    A few years ago I found myself in the journalistic equivalent of hog heaven — behind closed doors I had never expected to penetrate — watching from a ring-side seat as plaintiffs’ lawyers took on the drug giant, Merck, in a products liability trial involving Merck’s popular painkiller, Vioxx.

    Merck had withdrawn Vioxx in September 2004, citing new data showing an increased risk of heart attacks on Vioxx. Some 20 million Americans had used Vioxx over its five-and-a-half year market life, and scientists would implicate it in up to 54,000 deaths. By the end of 2006, Merck faced 27,000 products liability cases. But Merck’s lawyers insisted the company would never settle with the plaintiffs; rather it would defend every case in court. It was a hollow threat. As is usual with mass torts, the cases had been consolidated under a federal multi-district litigation (MDL) judge and a few state mass tort judges, and the judges were unlikely to countenance Merck’s foot-dragging indefinitely. Fifteen cases had already gone to trial by this point (I had covered some of them as a reporter for NPR), and Merck had won most.

    Two more cases were set to be tried in New Jersey state court in January 2007. Mark Lanier, the Texan trial lawyer who had twice beaten Merck, would lead the plaintiffs’ legal team, and I arranged to be embedded with his lawyers and observe the trial up close. For seven weeks I shadowed Lanier and the other plaintiffs’ lawyers, sitting in on early-morning strategy sessions in Lanier’s hotel room, riding to court in his rental SUV and squeezing into the stuffy, bare-bones plaintiffs’ war room in the Atlantic County Civil Courthouse during breaks in testimony. I took notes, I asked questions. Eventually, I wrote a book about the experience, All the Justice Money Can Buy: Corporate Greed on Trial.