Theodore M. Shaw

  • March 25, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Theodore M. Shaw, Professor of Professional Practice at Columbia Law School; “Of Counsel” to Fulbright & Jaworski, LLP; and an American Constitution Society Board Member. He was an attorney at  the NAACP Legal Defense Fund for twenty-three years and was Director-Counsel and President from 2004 until 2008.


    John Payton, the sixth Director-Counsel and President of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., died on March 22, 2012, after a brief illness, at the age of sixty-five. John was one of the most formidable advocates of his generation, and he litigated and argued some of the most important civil rights cases of his time. His legal career spanned private practice, governmental service, and public interest. He led the litigation department of Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering (now Wilmer, Hale), served as corporation counsel for the District of Columbia, and led the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. Among the Supreme Court cases he litigated were NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware, in which he won a decision in the U.S. Supreme Court overturning a monetary judgment against the organization under Mississippi’s secondary boycott law; City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson Co., in which he ably, albeit unsuccessfully, defended a minority contracting municipal ordinance; and perhaps most notably, two cases in which he defended the University of Michigan’s pursuit of diversity in admissions, Gratz v. Bollinger, and Grutter v. Bollinger. Most recently, in 2010, John successfully argued and won Williams v. City of Chicago,an employment discrimination case against the city’s fire department. Under his leadership LDF won five Supreme Court cases, including a successful defense of the recently extended Voting Rights Act.

    I had the privilege of knowing John Payton for almost thirty years. Among the most significant matters on which we collaborated were the two Michigan cases. It is said that success has many parents, while failure is an orphan. There were many who were responsible for the 2003 landmark affirmative action cases that saved diversity in higher education, thereby keeping the doors open to selective colleges, universities, graduate and professional schools. John litigated both cases in the trial courts, in the court of appeals, and in the Supreme Court. He argued Gratz, and his work was essential to the victory in Grutter. I was deeply involved in both cases, and while the Legal Defense Fund represented intervening black and Latino students in Gratz and filed an amicus brief in Grutter, the posture of “reverse discrimination” cases excludes or marginalizes the voices of those who have the most at stake -- African Americans and Latinos. Even as John represented the institutional interests of the University of Michigan, it made a difference to black and brown students, and people across the Nation, that his voice, eloquent, forceful, and passionate, was heard in oral arguments before the Court. And so it was in all of the civil rights cases John argued. His was a passionate voice for racial and social justice. But even in the “orphan” cases – which for John were few - John’s work and his voice were no less forceful, excellent, and passionate. When the Supreme Court struck down Richmond, Virginia’s minority contracting program in Crosonby a narrow 5-4 vote, it was not because John Payton failed his client. He had done the best that could be done, and a Supreme Court increasingly hostile to programs and efforts specifically designed to include African Americans and others who had been historically excluded from opportunity was on its way to becoming a forum in which they were unlikely to win. Yet John, in the aftermath of Croson, tirelessly traveled the Country, meeting with attorneys in the public and private sectors in an effort to properly craft contracting programs and to ameliorate the effects of the decision. John did not accept defeat. He simply went back to work.

  • October 4, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    In the third session of the American Constitution Society’s webcast series, “What the Constitution Means and How to Interpret It,” former NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund President Theodore M. Shaw will delve into the Constitution’s principle of equality.

    During a 30-minute live-streamed discussion, Shaw, a law professor at Columbia University and of counsel at Fulbright & Jaworski, will discuss the seminal case Brown v. Board of Education, gender equality, and congressional enforcement of civil rights. Following a 15-minute presentation, Shaw will take questions for 15 minutes.

    Other webcasts in the nine-part series on understanding the Constitution will focus on democracy, criminal justice and liberty. Each session, led by a preeminent scholar, mirrors a chapter in the ACS-published book, Keeping Faith with the Constitution, by Pamela Karlan, Goodwin Liu and Christopher H. Schroeder.

    Both lawyers/law students and non-lawyers are encouraged to participate and interact with questions, tweets and Facebook comments. If you are on Twitter, please join ACS both during and after tomorrow’s session at the hashtag #ACSclass.

    The Oct. 5 webcast will occur at 12 p.m. EDT and is free and open to everyone.  To see the full schedule and accompanying readings, visit the web page for “What the Constitution Means and How to Interpret It.”

  • August 26, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog symposium in honor of the unveiling of the Martin Luther King Jr. National Memorial. The author, Theodore M. Shaw, is of counsel at Fulbright & Jaworski, a professor at Columbia Law School, and an American Constitution Society Board Member. He was director-counsel and president of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund between 2004 and 2008.


    On August 28, 2011, forty-eight years to the day Martin Luther King, Jr. delivered from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial his famed speech known for its “I have a dream” refrain, Americans are honoring him with a statue on the National Mall. Already honored with a national holiday, King will be forever enshrined with Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln on some of our nation’s most hallowed ground. This high honor is a special point of pride for black Americans, given Dr. King’s role in the Civil Rights Movement of the fifties and sixties, and his stature as a martyr in the struggle for racial and economic justice.  

    For most Americans, King’s iconic status has grown over the years to the point that it obscures the realities of who he was, and for what he stood. In spite of his many admirers, King did not enjoy universal support during his lifetime. Now that he is safely dead, his legacy is often misappropriated by those who were or who would be opposed to his life’s work. Ideological conservatives opposed to affirmative action in higher education and voluntary elementary and secondary school desegregation have shamelessly and dishonestly distorted his legacy and invoked his name in support of their agenda. For many, his hopeful vision of an America in which his children would no longer be ”judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character” means an adherence to a kind of color-blindness that would block all efforts targeted at helping African Americans. For them, color-blindness is the sum total of all he said and did. Yet King’s dream was not of a simplistic color-blindness; he was a strong advocate of affirmative action and supporter of school desegregation. While King’s powerfully eloquent articulation of his dream for America has resounded over the decades since the August, 1963 March on Washington, he said and stood for so much more.