Texas

  • March 21, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Sergio Eduardo Muñoz, Senior Policy Analyst, Health Policy Project, Office of Research, Advocacy, and Legislation, National Council of La Raza. This piece is cross-posted at NCLR Blog.


    Earlier this month, a curious thing happened in Texas. Despite repeated federal warnings, Texas enacted state rules that gutted its Women’s Health Program (WHP), a successful state program for low-income health care. Because this state action defunds almost half of the program’s health clinics solely due to their affiliation with Planned Parenthood, the Obama administration advised Texas that the move violated patient choice under federal law. Texas went ahead anyway, despite the ensuing loss of federal dollars as a consequence for noncompliance, and now over 130,000 low-income Texans will be without vital preventive services.

    What didn’t happen?  Texas didn’t drop its vendetta against essential women’s health providers, choosing instead to come between some of the state’s most vulnerable people and preventive care. What else didn’t happen?  Texas, currently arguing before the Supreme Court that it is a victim of Medicaid coercion under the Affordable Care Act (ACA), was not coerced to maintain its WHP. A program that is—you guessed it—funded by Medicaid.

    Last week’s final reply brief filed by the states in the ACA cases has a quick explanation for the contradiction. According to the states, the Medicaid expansion under the ACA is unique, the coercion is unique, the challenge is unique, and the ultimate Supreme Court decision will accordingly be unique as well. Nothing to see over there in uncoerced Texas, and don’t worry about setting bad precedent either. A convenient assurance about a case that clearly could have sweeping consequences for many more federal laws enacted under spending powers, but one of cold comfort in light of the boldness of the actual challenge and the ineffectiveness of similar attempts at damage control. Furthermore, it’s curious that these state litigants, who were previously so concerned about the lack of a limiting principle on the federal government’s powers to regulate commerce and spend in the general welfare, now introduce an argument challenging the Medicaid expansion that itself has no limiting principle.

  • January 24, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Daniel P. Tokaji, a law professor at The Ohio State University Moritz College of Law and senior fellow for Election Law @ Moritz.

    Whenever the U.S. Supreme Court decides a case, especially one involving elections, commentators have a tendency to wax eloquently about its importance. But let’s face it, not all Supreme Court decisions are really that important. A case in point Friday’s opinion in Perry v. Perez, regarding Texas’ redistricting plans.
     
    To be sure, the decision is important to Texans wondering what their congressional and state legislative districts will look like. It also helps clarify a procedural question involving preclearance under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (“VRA”). But the broader significance of Friday’s per curiam decision is limited. What’s most significant is an issue the Court doesn’t address: whether Section 5 is constitutional. That’s the 800 pound gorilla which the justices (with the noteworthy exception of Justice Thomas) avoid mentioning – but will probably come before them in the not-too-distant future.
     
    A bit of context is useful. Every state must redraw its congressional and state legislative maps at the start of each decade to account for population shifts. Section 5 of the VRA requires some jurisdictions to obtain “preclearance” of voting changes – including redistricting plans – before they take effect. As originally enacted, Section 5 covered Southern states that excluded African Americans from voting. Coverage was later expanded to include states with a history of excluding Latinos and other groups from fully participating in the electoral process. Texas is among the states now covered by Section 5, which was reauthorized and extended for another 25 years in 2006. To obtain preclearance, covered jurisdictions must show that their proposed changes don’t have a discriminatory purpose or retrogressive effect on minority voters.
     
    At issue in Perry v. Perez is what should happen when a state legislature has drawn new districts, but no preclearance decision has yet been made. After the 2010 Census, the Texas legislature redrew its congressional and state legislative lines. As required by Section 5, the state then requested preclearance of the legislature’s plan, filing suit in the federal district court in Washington, D.C. That court denied Texas’ motion for summary judgment, but hasn’t yet ruled on whether preclearance should be granted. Meanwhile, separate lawsuits were filed in another federal court, alleging that the redistricting plans violate the U.S. Constitution and another section of the VRA. (You can find court filings from the cases here and here.)
     
    Here’s the problem: Under Section 5, the 2011 Texas redistricting plans can’t take effect until they’ve been precleared. But the old districting plan, the one in effect through 2010, can’t be used either – that would violate the one person, one vote rule due to population shifts of the last decade. The lower court was therefore left with no choice but to draw its own map. That map departed from the legislatively-drawn map in significant respects, even though the court didn’t find a likelihood that plaintiffs would prevail in their legal challenges to it. Texas argued that the court didn’t show enough deference to the un-precleared plans drawn by the state legislature.
  • August 5, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Seeking divine guidance for answers to the ongoing effects of the Great Recession, or possibly to shake-up the 2012 Republican presidential race, Texas Gov. Rick Perry is set to headline a Christian evangelical rally tomorrow at the Houston Texans’ football stadium.

    The event, dubbed “The Response: a call to prayer for a nation in crisis,” is being backed by major Religious Right players, such as the American Family Association and TV preacher John Hagee, and will likely feature the Family Research Council’s Tony Perkins.

    In a video message on The Response’s website, a grinning Gov. Perry says, in part:

    I’m inviting you to join your fellow Americans in a day of prayer and fasting on behalf of our nation. As an elected leader, I’m all too aware of government’s limitations when it comes to fixin things that are spiritual in nature. That’s where prayer comes in. And we need it more than ever, with the economy in trouble, communities in crisis, and people adrift in a sea of moral relativism. We need God’s help. That’s why I’m calling on Americans to pray and fast, like Jesus did, and as God called the Israelites to do in the book of Joel.

    Beyond urging Americans to flock to the Texas football stadium for a day of evangelical Christian festivities, he’s also reached out to other governors to join. The Washington Post notes that only Kan. Gov. Sam Brownback, a longtime Christian Right warrior, is apparently the only one, so far, to have accepted the invitation.  

    The Post article also notes that groups concerned about protecting the First Amendment principle that calls for a certain amount of separation between government and religion are trying to raise awareness of the governor’s religious endeavor, and the ideals it is promoting -- ones that are not inclusive of an increasingly diverse America.

    The Rev. Barry W. Lynn, executive director of Americans United for Separation of Church and State told The Post, “Governor Perry’s decision to sponsor a ‘Christians-only’ prayer rally is bad enough. That he turned to an array of intolerant religious extremists to put it on for him is even worse.”   

  • March 2, 2011
    Gathering once every two years, the Texas legislature is back in session, and quickly moving to siphon attention from Arizona as a state obsessed with creating rigid laws targeting undocumented workers. CNN reports that Texas lawmakers have introduced measures to make English the state's official language and to slap an 8 percent surcharge on "on all money wired from Texas to Latin America."

    But CNN and The Lookout blog highlight a bill introduced by a Rep. Debbie Riddle, a "tea party favorite," that would make it a crime to hire undocumented workers, unless those workers were hired to clean your house, mow the lawn and trim the hedges, or other house-related duties. CNN describes the measure, House Bill 2012, as "a tough immigration bill with a soft side that protects those who hire unauthorized immigrants ‘for the purpose of obtaining labor or other work to be performed exclusively or primarily at a single-family residence.'" If the undocumented worker is hired for any other reason, the employer is could face two years in prison and a $10,000 fine.

    State Rep. Aaron Pena told CNN, "With things as they are today, her bill [Riddle's] will see a large segment of the Texas population in prison," if were enacted without the household exemption.

    Dallas County Sheriff Lupe Valdez Riddle's bill if enacted with the exemption would still add "between 4,000 to 20,000 additional inmates in her jail, carrying an additional cost of more than $1.2 million," The Texas Tribune reported.

    State Rep. Riddle, The Lookout noted, drew media attention last year when "she claimed unnamed FBI officials had told that pregnant women from the Middle East were traveling to America as tourists to give birth, and then raising their children to be terrorists who could later enter the U.S. freely as citizens - so called ‘terror babies,' a devious offshoot of ‘anchor babies.'"

  • August 9, 2010
    U.S. attorney positions in Texas remain unfilled, writes Todd J. Gillman of The Dallas Morning News (DMN). The DMN notes that the "Senate has confirmed Obama-picked prosecutors for 57 or 93 federal districts nationwide. Nineteen more nominations are pending. A dozen districts have no nominee, including the four in Texas."

    The DMN reports:

    Tussles between Texas' senators, both Republican, and the state's Democrats in the U.S. House certainly caused some of the delay, but both sides long ago submitted lists of preferred nominees that largely overlap. While most states have gotten Obama nominees, Texas is still waiting.

    ...

    With Democrats expected to lose Senate seats in November, winning confirmation of nominees won't get any easier. And the longer Obama waits, the harder it gets to woo top talent because of the grueling process, said Paul Coggins, the U.S. attorney in Dallas under [President] Clinton.

    Coggins added, "At some point the White House just has to step in and say, ‘Look I've heard from the senators, and I've heard from the congressman, and here's who I'm nominating.' You'll probably hack off one side or the other but that certainly would be welcome among most of us Texans."