Technology and I.P.

  • August 20, 2010
    Beyond irking advocates of net neutrality, the Google-Verizon proposal regarding regulation of wireless Internet access has drawn fire from a couple of FCC commissioners.

    Reporting for FDL, David Dayen writes that FCC Commissioners Michael Copps and Mignon Clyburn, "slammed the Google-Verizon joint policy and strongly endorsed net neutrality last night at a hearing before hundreds of citizens in Minneapolis giving the Chairman of the federal agency Julius Genachowski all of the support he would need to regulate broadband Internet if he so chose." The commissioners, Dayen continues, criticized the Google-Verizon proposal saying if adopted it "would eliminate any openness provision over wireless, which is where all Internet applications are going."

    Critics of the Google-Verizon proposal say it is an affront to net neutrality, which calls for information via the Internet to be easily and fairly accessible to all people. The proposal offered earlier this month maintains that net neutrality should not apply to wireless access.

    The FDL post notes that Sen. Al Franken has also criticized the Google-Verizon proposal. FDL includes video of Franken addressing the two companies' ideas. "We can't let companies write the rules that we the people are supposed to follow. Because if that happens those rules will be written only to protect corporations," Franken said.

    Google's team-up with Verizon sparked great consternation among supporters of net neutrality principles, with several claiming that Google had abandoned its commitment to those principles.

    Jordon Rohan, an Internet analyst at Stifel Nicolaus, told The New York Times, "I don't know that Google pondered the moral decision this time. I think the business decision to cooperate with Verizon superseded the other complications and side effects that it may cause."

  • August 13, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Susan Scafidi, a professor at Fordham Law School and the Academic Director of the law school's Fashion Law Institute, the world's first educational center devoted to the emerging field of fashion law. In addition to her foundational articles on intellectual property and fashion design, Scafidi is the author of "Who Owns Culture?" and blogs on law and fashion at www.CounterfeitChic.com.
    Intellectual property law is being re-fashioned for a new generation. After epic battles between IP owners and the free culture crowd, a sector with a large economic footprint but a slender jurisprudential silhouette has designed a mode of protection as striking as the introduction of the miniskirt in 1965. It's unmistakably modern, covers all the essentials, but makes a point of leaving quite a bit in the public domain. Call it the new minimalism - courtesy of the not-so-frivolous fashion industry.

    Perhaps it shouldn't be surprising that the industry that gave us the punch card loom, the direct ancestor of the modern computer, is on the cutting edge of development in IP. U.S. law, however, has long excluded most creative fashion designs from protection, apart from their trademarked labels and logos, even as other major fashion-producing countries have developed design rights. Europe, Japan, and India all have laws that cover fashion design; France has been protecting its celebrated Parisian couture for over a century. American fashion designers have been seeking legal recognition for at least that long, and they are finally poised to achieve it in a way that alters the contours of IP law as well.

    As the nation has transitioned from agriculture to manufacturing to ideas as its primary source of economic growth, the fashion industry has followed. Americans still grow cotton and weave denim, but today, influenced by TV shows like Project Runway, there are far more aspiring designers than tailors or seamstresses. Without IP protection, though, creative garments are easily copied by design pirates who systematically troll trade shows and red carpets looking for the most popular new designs.

    Given the speed at which information travels via the Internet, cheap, fast fashion copies can be shipped back to the United States and end up on the street before the original designer has a chance to recover her investment. Some designers even lose wholesale and retail orders after poorly made but otherwise nearly identical merchandise becomes available for sale. This is especially devastating to emerging designers, whose relatively unfamiliar logos are rarely copied along with the underlying articles of apparel, leaving them without even a trademark claim. As one young designer told me in regard to more established, logo-driven companies, "They can just sell their trademarks. We have to sell our designs."

    In actuality, the designer was only half right. The absence of design protection also leaves a loophole for trademark counterfeiters, some of whom legally import copies of distinctive merchandise without a fake logo and then add the illegal label later. Such simple subterfuge undermines the Obama administration's new strategic plan to combat counterfeits, and ultimately IP law itself.

    The bipartisan Innovative Design Protection and Piracy Prevention Act (IDPPPA) introduced by Sen. Charles E. Schumer will bring fashion design under the IP umbrella while limiting it to the shortest term of protection available under any legal system in the world, three years. It also establishes a high qualifying standard for protected designs reminiscent of patent law, but without an expensive registration requirement. Only designs that are new and original will be protected, and every other garment ever created will remain in the public domain. At the same time, the bill limits violations to substantially identical copies, a standard borrowed from trademark. As elsewhere in copyright, there are blanket exemptions for teaching and analysis; in fashion design, there's even a special home sewing exception for the clever crafter who wants to replicate the runway for her daughter's prom dress or her own wedding gown.

  • August 10, 2010
    The cyberspace advertising giant Google is facing internal struggles over how "far should it go in profiting from its crown jewels - the vast trove of data it possesses" about users' online activities, reports The Wall Street Journal's Jessica E. Vascellaro.

    Reporting on a 2008 confidential "vision statement," the WSJ says the document provides "a candid, introspective look at Google's fight to remain at the vanguard of the information economy."

    The Google document asserts that the company's database is "the BEST source of user interests found on the Internet," and advances ideas on how to take advantage of the situation, WSJ reports.

    The article continues:

    The most aggressive ideas would put Google at the cutting edge of the business of tracking people online to profit from their actions. A data-trading marketplace, for instance, would allow personal information from many sources - including Google - to be combined and used for highly personalized tracking of individuals.

    Beyond information gleaned from the vision statement, interviews with current and past Google workers reveal an internal and ongoing struggle over concerns about users' privacy and the potential for company profits.

    "In short," the WSJ piece concludes, "Google is trying to establish itself as the clearinghouse for as many ad transactions as possible, even when those deals don't actually involve consumer data that Google provides or sees. The further step in that progression would be for Google to become a clearinghouse for everyone's data, too. That idea, also laid out in the vision statement, is still being considered, people familiar with the talks say. That would put Google - already one of the biggest repositories of consumer data anywhere - at the center of the trade in other people's data as well."

     

  • July 31, 2010

    After providing a keynote address at a recent ACS event on privacy concerns in a digital age, Christopher N. Olsen, the assistant director in the Federal Trade Commission's Division of Privacy and Identity Protection, noted in an interview with ACSBlog that the agency plans several forums for hearing input on the tackling online privacy concerns. Watch Olsen's interview below or download a podcast of it here.

     

  • April 7, 2010
    Guest Post

     By Aparna Sridhar, public policy counsel, Free Press

    Broadband networks represent the most critical communications infrastructure of our time: if these underlying transmission systems don't function effectively, the Internet cannot serve as a vibrant forum for speech, commerce, and culture.

    Yesterday's ruling from the D.C. Circuit in Comcast v. FCC called into question the Federal Communications Commission's ability to protect consumers from harmful activity by the owners of these networks. Without oversight, dominant broadband providers - principally large cable and telephone companies - will be free to do as they wish even if their actions hinder the free flow of information, treat consumers unfairly, or discriminate against speech that they find undesirable. The decision also suggests that the Commission has limited authority to implement its recently devised National Broadband Plan - a plan that will be critical in closing the digital divide at home and abroad.

    To understand these issues more fully, we need to step back in time a bit. Historically, communications law and FCC policy have recognized several unique characteristics of communications networks (like the telephone, telegraph, and now IP-based networks): (1) The networks require significant investment to build them, and as a result, the market to provide access to such networks will likely be heavily concentrated, (2) customers can likely use the services of only one network provider at a time; and (3) the costs associated with switching providers are significant. Thus, the owners of the networks have sufficient gatekeeping power. Because the network providers possess this gatekeeping power, the law required them to comply with certain basic rules, including the duty to open their networks to everyone without discrimination, and the duty to interconnect with other network providers that offered the same services.

    On the other hand, the law historically imposed very few requirements on companies whose services made use of these networks, including such services as e-mail, Web browsing, and other content and applications made available over the Internet. The market for those types of services is more competitive, the barriers to entry are lower, and the chance that those service providers can extract monopoly rents or hamstring their competitors is significantly reduced as a result.

    In 1996, Congress passed the Telecommunications Act, which essentially adopted these distinctions. Access to a communications network was deemed a "telecommunications service," and content and applications that used that IP-based networks to transmit data were termed "information services." And for the first few years after the 1996 Act was passed, the FCC treated broadband providers as "telecommunications service" providers.