Standing

  • February 22, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Martin Magnusson. Mr. Magnusson is an associate at Day Pitney LLP.
    In 1997, the United States Senate ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention, an international treaty that outlaws the production, stockpiling, and use of chemical weapons. As a signatory to that treaty, the United States agreed also to criminalize private individuals' production, stockpiling, and use of chemical weapons. Accordingly, Congress enacted legislation that made it illegal for any person knowingly to "develop, produce, otherwise acquire, transfer directly or indirectly, receive, stockpile, retain, own, possess, or use, or threaten to use, any chemical weapon."

    Thankfully, the United States has had few occasions to bring chemical-weapons charges under this law. One such prosecution, though, is currently before the United States Supreme Court, which will hear oral argument today in Bond v. United States.

    The defendant in that case, Carol Anne Bond, was a microbiologist who had been married for several years but couldn't bear a child. When Ms. Bond's best friend announced that she was pregnant, Ms. Bond was excited. When Ms. Bond discovered that her husband was the child's father, though, her mood understandably soured. She vowed to get revenge against her one-time best friend and tried, at least 24 times, to poison her with lethal chemicals that she stole from work and ordered online.

    Ms. Bond was ultimately charged with possessing and using a chemical weapon, in violation of the criminal statute that implemented the United States' treaty obligations under the Chemical Weapons Convention. At the district court, Ms. Bond unsuccessfully argued that when Congress passed this statute, it exceeded its powers under the Constitution. The district court rejected that argument, but Ms. Bond continued to pursue it on appeal.

    Ms. Bond's position makes intuitive sense: The Tenth Amendment expressly provides that "[t]he powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." And, unlike other federal statutes that address assaults, the law under which Ms. Bond was prosecuted includes no requirement that the alleged assault occur within the special jurisdiction of the United States, that the assault have an effect on interstate commerce, that the victim be a person or institution with recognized federal status, or that some other federal interest be involved. It also includes no requirement that the government prove a federal interest as an element of the offense. As such, the law criminalizes conduct with very little connection to a legitimate federal interest.

  • August 23, 2010

    A federal judge in Washington has temporarily blocked federal funding for human embryonic stem cell research authorized by Obama administration regulations.

    In a preliminary injunction, U.S. District Judge Royce Lamberth held that the plaintiffs were likely to succeed on the merits because the government guidelines violate a law that prohibits the use of federal funds for research in which human embryos are destroyed, Reuters reports.

    "(Embryonic stem cell) research is clearly research in which an embryo is destroyed," Lamberth wrote in a 15-page decision.

    Lamberth initially dismissed a suit by the same plaintiffs in October, holding that "embryos lack standing because they are not persons under the law" and the unborn have no right to life protected under the Constitution's 14th Amendment, Bloomberg reported at the time.

     The Court of Appeals overturned the standing decision and remanded the case to Lamberth.

  • May 13, 2010

    In its first filing defending the Affordable Care Act, the Justice Department questions the plaintiffs' standing to bring suit. The response also argues that the law is within Congress' powers to tax and spend and clearly within congressional prerogative under the Commerce Clause.

    The suit, filed in a Michigan federal court by the conservative Thomas Moore Law Center, seeks to enjoin the provision mandating health insurance coverage for individuals from being enforced. The DOJ, noting that the individual mandate does not go into effect until 2014, says that the plaintiffs "demonstrate no current injury, and merely speculate whether the law will harm them once it is in force."

    Even if the plaintiffs were found to have standing, the DOJ writes, the suit's likelihood of success is minimal. Echoing points that have been made by constitutional law experts on the legality of the individual health care mandate, Justice Department attorneys cite congressional authority to tax and spend, and under the Commerce Clause, arguing that the Affordable Care Act falls well within Congress' powers under Article I of the Constitution. Arguments to the contrary "are flatly wrong," the DOJ's brief states.

    A copy of the Justice Department's filing is below.

  • May 12, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Jay Austin & Bruce Myers, Senior Attorneys, Environmental Law Institute

    Big business versus the little guy. The Ninth Circuit running amok. The specter of "frankencrops." All of these tropes -- some familiar to Supreme Court-watchers, one more novel -- were potentially in play last month when the Court considered Monsanto v. Geertson Seed Farms, its first case dealing with federal regulation of genetically modified organisms (GMOs). Yet the oral argument found the justices preoccupied with fine points of jurisdiction, administrative law, and equity, suggesting that their actual ruling may turn out to be a narrow one.

    Geertson arose from a Bush Administration decision to deregulate "Roundup Ready" alfalfa, Monsanto's proprietary strain that has been engineered to resist Monsanto pesticides. Mr. Geertson and other conventional farmers sued the Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service under the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), claiming the agency failed to produce an environmental impact statement (EIS) that fully considers the risk of cross-pollination between GMO crops and conventional crops. If such contamination occurs, the plaintiffs' GMO-free status -- and thus their entire business model -- could be in jeopardy.

  • April 1, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Daniel Mach, Director, ACLU Program on Freedom of Religion and Belief, and Brigitte Amiri, Senior Staff Attorney, ACLU Reproductive Freedom Project

    Last week, a federal district court in Massachusetts ruled that an ACLU challenge to the government's use of taxpayer dollars to impose religious doctrine on victims of human trafficking may go forward. The decision is a victory for women's health and for the basic constitutional principle that federal dollars cannot be used to favor one religious perspective over all others.

    Since April 2006, the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) has awarded the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) millions of dollars to make grants to organizations that provide direct services to trafficking victims. HHS did this knowing that USCCB prohibits, based on its religious beliefs, grantees from using any of the federal funds to provide or refer for contraceptive or abortion services. We brought a lawsuit on behalf of the members of the ACLU of Massachusetts who object to their tax dollars being used for religious purposes.

    Shortly after we sued, the government asked that the court dismiss the case. The government argued that taxpayers couldn't bring the lawsuit. They argued that only, for example, a trafficking victim could raise an objection.