Speech and expression

  • August 29, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Geoffrey R. Stone, a constitutional law professor at the University of Chicago, and chair of the American Constitution Society’s Board of Directors. Professor Stone will be a panelist during an ACS Symposium this Thursday on legal policy shifts in the ten years since 9/11. Register for the symposium here.


    War inevitably intensifies the tension between individual liberty and national security. But there are wise and unwise ways to strike the appropriate balance. In the years after 9/11, the Bush administration embraced a series of policies — including torture, surveillance of private communications, clandestine detention of American citizens, and secret prisons in Eastern Europe — that undermined the fundamental American values of individual dignity, personal privacy, and due process of law.

    In my view, however, the most dangerous policy of the Bush administration was its attempt to hide its decisions from the American public. In an effort to evade the constraints of separation of powers, judicial review, checks and balances, and democratic accountability, the Bush administration systematically promulgated its policies in secret, denied information to Congress, abused the classification process, narrowly interpreted the Freedom of Information Act, punished government whistleblowers, jailed journalists for refusing to disclose their confidential sources, threatened to prosecute the press for revealing the administration’s secret programs, and broadly invoked executive immunity and the state secrets doctrine to prevent both Congress and the courts from evaluating the lawfulness of its programs.

    By shielding its decisions from legal, congressional, and public scrutiny, the Bush administration undermined the single most central premise of a self-governing society: it is the citizens who must evaluate the judgments, policies, and programs of their representatives. As James Madison observed, “A popular Government, without popular information, or the means of acquiring it, is but a Prologue to a Farce or a Tragedy; or, perhaps both.”

  • August 11, 2011
    BookTalk
    Let the Students Speak!
    A History of the Fight For Free Expression in American Schools
    By: 
    David L. Hudson Jr.

    By David L. Hudson Jr., a scholar at The First Amendment Center who teaches at Vanderbilt Law School, Middle Tennessee State University and Nashville School of Law.


    A student wears facial jewelry and sports several tattoos on various parts of her body. Another student protests his school’s restrictive dress code by wearing logos bashing the dress code and the school principal. Another student, upset over a bad grade, creates a fake online social media profile page of his teacher and writes all sorts of nasty things about him. Another pupil writes an editorial about the sexual practices of high school students that is pulled from the paper by the principal. 

    These hypotheticals are more real than imagined, as battles over freedom of expression occur daily in public schools across the country. In the post-Columbine environment replete with heightened sensitivity to cyberbullying, more and more student expression is subject to censorship by school officials.  

    In my new book Let the Students Speak!: A History of the Fight for Free Expression in America’s Schools, I not only examine many of these hot-button, free-speech issues in public schools, but also take readers on a historical tour of this fascinating area of law and policy.  

    Many of the older disputes bear striking resemblance to modern free-speech controversies. 

  • July 22, 2011

    Republican National Committee Chairman Reince Priebus is questioning the legality of a video associated with a raffle to raise money for President Obama’s reelection campaign, Politico reports.

    Priebus suggests in a letter to Attorney General Eric Holder that Obama may have violated the Hatch Act by allegedly filming the video in the White House’s Map Room.

    But Richard Painter, who was chief ethics lawyer under President George W. Bush, is calling the letter “an embarrassment to the Republican Party, of which I count myself a part.”

    “The small donors get nothing in return for their donation except a chance to support a candidate they believe in — until this raffle,” Painter tells Politico. “Now they get a raffle ticket entitling them [to] a very small chance of getting the type of meeting that a big donor has for the asking. To call this a crime yet ignore the larger problem is absurd. Writing this kind of letter — after standing in the way of campaign finance reform — is laughable.”

    In a related blog post, Painter adds to his analysis, noting that while “there are serious problems with political activity in the White House,” none of them are raised by this letter.

    He writes:

    The question I have for the author of this letter, and for everyone else in a position of responsibility in this government, is what measures do you support that will put ordinary citizens on the same footing as big donors? A raffle is not one of them, but neither is an absurd criminal investigation of a raffle while politicians auction off public policy to the highest bidder.

  • July 7, 2011

    Some landmark Supreme Court case names can easily be recalled by some, think Brown v. Board of Education or Lawrence v. Texas. Even a few Supreme Court Justices, though not by many Americans, can be recalled by a few. It is, however, a futile task to find even a handful of people able to name leading litigators who argue before the high court helping to produce some of those landmark cases.

    But the First Amendment Center Fellow Ronald K. L. Collins says it would be “salutary to return to the old practice, and to give credit where credit is due.” Collins gets us started with this post for the First Amendment Center recognizing lawyers who he calls “friends of the First Amendment.”

    Topping the list is former ACS Board Chair Paul M. Smith, a longtime, highly successful Supreme Court litigator and partner at Jenner & Block. Smith (pictured) argued the Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Association case before the high court this term and won. The high court in the case refused to create another category of speech – there are not many – unprotected by the First Amendment, when it invalidated a California law that banned the sale or rental of violent video games to minors.

    Collins writes:

    Smith, a partner at Jenner and Block, is as good as they come. He has argued 14 cases in the Supreme Court, including the landmark gay-rights case, Lawrence v. Texas (2003) – another victory others thought unlikely.

    Collins notes that SCOTUSblog’s Lyle Denniston, yes a longtime Supreme Court reporter, had suggested shortly after the oral argument in the violent video games case that Smith may have blundered strategically when he argued “that there simply is no problem that legislatures need to try to solve nor is there any way constitutionally that they could craft a solution if they tried.”

    And at the end of the day, Smith “prevailed by a comfortable 7 – 2 score,” Collins writes. “Not only that,” he continues, “but the case is chock-full of wonderful First Amendment dicta, or maxims, from the concurring justices, some of which echo arguments Smith offered both in oral arguments and in his briefs to the Court.”

    Smith discussed the violent video games case and other First Amendment cases from the Court’s latest term at the ACS Supreme Court Term Review. Video of the event is available here.

  • July 1, 2011
    BookTalk
    Money, Politics and the Constitution
    Beyond Citizens United
    By: 
    The Brennan Center for Justice and The Century Foundation

    By Erik Opsal, communications coordinator at The Brennan Center for Justice.


    For those following campaign finance law, this week’s Supreme Court decision to throw out one provision of Arizona’s public financing system came as no surprise. The Court’s one swing vote, Justice Anthony Kennedy, tipped his hand when, during oral argument, he bluntly asked if it was fair to say the law restricted speech.

    After last year’s sweeping decision in Citizens United, campaign finance reform advocates have come to expect the worst. In five years, the Roberts Court has heard five campaign finance cases. And in those five cases, voters lost out to powerful, wealthy interests every time.

    Although this case is a setback, there is one clear silver lining — public financing remains constitutionally sound. The Chief Justice said so himself. “We do not today call into question the wisdom of public financing as a means of funding political candidacy,” Chief Justice Roberts wrote for the majority. “That is not our business.” As UC-Irvine Law Professor Rick Hasen characterized the Roberts decision: