Separation of powers

  • June 8, 2011

    Extending FBI Director Robert Mueller’s FBI term beyond the ten-year term limit “may serve to weaken an important, and still necessary, protection designed to prevent any director from accumulating the power that J. Edgar Hoover misused,” warns American University law professor William Yeomans.

    Yeomans, who has served as Sen. Ted Kennedy’s chief counsel on the Senate Judiciary Committee and as a Justice Department official, reminds readers that Congress established the ten-year term limit for the FBI Director because significant abuses of power by Hoover toward the end of his 48-year term were discovered after his death.

    Yeomans lauds Mueller’s accomplishments, but also notes some “missteps” by Mueller, including “the documented abuse of National Security Letters to improperly obtain records without seeking warrants, and, as alleged in a recent lawsuit, the covert infiltration of places of worship.”

    He continues:

    The FBI’s mission as a domestic intelligence and security agency, with all its enhanced tools, gives it the authority to pose a far greater threat to the civil liberties of the average American than at any other time in its existence.

    Particularly because Mueller led the creation of this more powerful and intrusive FBI, it is important to bring in new leadership to evaluate the success and future course of that transformation.

    The Hill has coverage of today’s Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on whether to extend Mueller’s term here, and video is available here.

     

  • May 10, 2011

    Senate Republicans yesterday blocked a confirmation vote on James M. Cole, who has been serving as Deputy Attorney General for months via a temporary recess appointment, The Washington Post reports.

    By a vote of 50 to 40, the Senate voted against invoking cloture, rejecting Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid’s attempt to force an up-or-down vote on Cole (pictured right). Cole was first nominated almost a year ago, and has waited “longer for confirmation than any previous nominee for the post in 30 years,” according to The Post.

    “The delay in confirming Mr. Cole is ridiculous,” an editorial in The Washington Post asserted before the vote, urging an end to this “unacceptable confirmation delay” because of his “condemnation of Bush-era anti-terrorism tactics.”

    If Cole is not confirmed by the Senate, his term will expire at the end of this year. In the meantime, “[o]nly a Senate-confirmed Deputy Attorney General can exercise certain national security authority, such as signing off on applications for surveillance warrants to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court,” Main Justice explains.

    “It is hard to believe that one week after the successful operation that killed Osama bin Laden, the world’s number one terrorist, we cannot take this step to ensure that President Obama has his full national security team in place,” Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy said in a statement.

    The Senate Judiciary Committee had more success yesterday in moving nominees forward, approving Bernice Bouie Donald for a seat on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, Virginia Seitz (pictured left) to head the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel and Denise E. O'Donnell to head the DOJ’s Bureau of Justice Assistance. These nominees are now ripe for consideration by the full Senate.

    Seitz, a frequent ACS participant and a partner in Sidley Austin's Washington, D.C. office, is President Obama’s second nominee to head the Office of Legal Counsel. Obama’s first nominee, ACS Board Member and constitutional law professor Dawn Johnsen, withdrew her nomination after a sustained Republican filibuster threat that lasted fourteen months.

    Last June, she wrote an op-ed in The Washington Post emphasizing the urgency of filling the position with a confirmed nominee after six years in limbo.

  • February 28, 2011
    Guest Post

    By William Yeomans, a Fellow in Law and Government at American University Washington College of Law.
    Last week, 107 law professors from 76 law schools joined in a letter to the Chairs and Ranking Members of the Senate and House Judiciary Committees calling on Congress to take up two issues central to the integrity of the Supreme Court: the lack of a mandatory code of ethics governing the justices and the lack of a transparent and enforceable process governing recusal. The letter urged its recipients to convene hearings in the Senate and House Judiciary Committees and to advance appropriate legislation. The letter noted that recent media reports have heightened the visibility of these issues, but emphasized that the letter is a nonpartisan call for reform.

    The letter starts from the foundation that Supreme Court justices, unlike all other federal judges, are not subject to a mandatory and enforceable code of judicial conduct. Yet, Canon 1 of the Code of Conduct for United States Judges states that "[a]n independent and honorable judiciary is indispensable to justice in our society" and adherence to high standards of conduct is essential in maintaining such a judiciary. This admonition applies with added force to justices, whose decisions have the greatest impact. While justices may look to the Code of Conduct for guidance, they are not bound by its provisions. The letter, therefore, urges Congress to apply the Code of Conduct for U.S. Judges to Supreme Court justices and to establish procedures for enforcing the Code.

    Similarly, justices are permitted to determine whether to recuse themselves from matters before the Court without review by an independent entity and without explaining their decisions. The letter recalls the fundamental principle identified by Lord Coke in the Seventeenth Century that "no man may be a judge in his own case." Yet, that is exactly what we tolerate when a Supreme Court justice is faced with a recusal issue. Because there is no requirement that justices explain their reasoning in recusal decisions, the bar and the public often are left in the dark. We understand the importance of judicial opinions to the development, legitimacy, and integrity of the law in other matters. Providing transparency regarding recusal decisions is at least as important, since they cut to the core of the Court's integrity. The letter, therefore, urges Congress to require written opinions when justices decline to recuse themselves and to establish a procedure -- or require the Court to establish one -- that provides for independent review of recusal decisions.

    Recognizing that there are difficult choices to be made, the letter stops short of endorsing specific solutions to two important issues. The first is how to structure a mechanism for enforcement of the Code of Conduct regarding justices. While the Judicial Conference oversees this process for other federal judges, it may be necessary to involve justices in the new process or to consider creation of a new body.

  • February 4, 2011
    Arizona has joined a growing number of states that are considering laws that would allow them to "nullify" federal law or action. The bills, fueled by far right-wing politicos, are constitutionally suspect, as attorney Katherine Jack notes in this ACSblog guest post.

    The Arizona Republic columnist E.J. Montini, notes that the measure, if constitutional, would allow the state to secede "without officially doing so."

    Montini writes:

    In every legislative session in every state throughout the land there are proposals like this, usually made by a few fringe members who know their proposal has no chance but file it anyway to serve some personal or political agenda.

    In this instance, legislators here -- who claim to be strict constitutionalists -- seem fairly willing to ignore what is commonly called the "supremacy clause" of the U.S. Constitution (as well as the Fourteenth Amendment), and which more or less say that federal law supersedes state law.

    A state or a person can challenge such laws in court. But a state can't on its own simply declare a federal law to be unconstitutional.

    The "wacky" measure, however, is being pushed by the state Senate President Russell Pearce, "the most powerful person in state government," Montini notes. That makes the matter, he writes, "much less of a laughing matter."

  • January 26, 2011
    As part of its broader effort to limit the Obama administration's agenda, the Republican majority in the House is considering a bill that some say could greatly diminish the executive branch's constitutional authority to implement laws.

    Earlier this week the House Subcommittee on Courts, Commercial and Administrative Law conducted a hearing on the measure, called the "Regulations From the Executive in Need of Scrutiny Act," or the REINS Act. Sally Katzen (pictured), former Administrator of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) in the Clinton administration, testified before the House panel, and questioned the measure's usefulness and constitutionality.

    Katzen, now a visiting professor at the New York University School of Law, said the REINS Act would "dramatically change the way our laws are implemented by requiring virtually all new major regulations (e.g., those with an annual impact on the economy of $100 million or more) to be affirmatively approved by both Houses of Congress and the President before taking effect. In other words, major regulations would not be effective unless and until they were enacted into law."

    Katzen continued, "While the bill is presented as a response to what its supporters see an out-of-control regulatory process at federal agencies, I believe this proposal is subject to some of the same criticisms that they make of agency regulations - namely, it is not well considered, it is not tailored to the problem it is attempting to solve, and it will inevitably have unintended but nonetheless significant adverse effects on the economy and society at large, including fundamentally changing the constitutional structure of our government."

    Regarding the alleged out-of-control costs of implementing new regulations, Katzen noted that the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), in its 2010 Report to Congress, found that regulations issued between 1999-2009 cost between $43 and $55 million but produced benefits ranging from "$128 billion to $616 billion." Therefore Katzen maintained that "even if one uses OMB's highest estimate of costs and its lowest estimate of benefits, the regulations issued over the past ten years have produced net benefits of $73 billion to our society." Katzen continued that OMB "issued reports with similar results (benefits greatly exceeding costs) throughout the George W. Bush Administration."

    Katzen also said that the REINS measure could undermine the constitutional separation of powers principles. Citing the 1988 Supreme Court opinion, Morrison v. Olson, Katzen noted that the test to determine whether a "statutory scheme" runs afoul of the separation of powers doctrine involves asking whether the scheme is "an attempt by Congress to increase its own powers at the expense of the executive branch."

    Katzen continued:

    Much of the discussion surrounding H.R. 10 [the REINS Act] suggests that that may be an apt characterization of the sponsors' intent. Another test is whether an act of Congress ‘impermissibly interferes with the President's exercise of his constitutionally appointed function,' which clearly includes the obligation to ‘take care that the laws be faithfully executed.' For over a century, the executive branch has taken care to faithfully execute the laws by, among other things, developing and issuing regulations implementing legislation.

    Video of the entire hearing is available here. For an in-depth discussion of the regulatory process, read the ACS Issue Brief, authored by Katzen, "Letting Government Agencies Do What They Were Created To Do."