Separation of Powers and Federalism

  • November 7, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Wisconsin Sen. Ron Johnson, the state’s newest senator elected on a wave of Tea Party support, earlier this year lamented that during his tenure “virtually nothing” had been accomplished in the Senate.

    In that same article and others, however, Sen. Johnson articulated his view that the federal government should be heavily constrained, and limited in its ability to confront national concerns.

    But Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.) says Johnson, a “first-time legislator” and “a political work in progress,” as the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel described him in July, is wrong to suggest that the country’s Founders envisioned a do-nothing Senate.

    Merkley writes in a column for The Washington Post:

    At no time did our Founders envision that the Senate would require a supermajority to pass legislation. Indeed, the Constitution requires a supermajority only for very limited purposes, including the ratification of treaties and the override of a presidential veto.

    Indeed Merkley notes that “many” Founders, including Alexander Hamilton, realized the “destructive” nature of requiring that action happen only by a supermajority vote.

    “Alexander Hamilton,” Merkley writes, “observed in the Federalist papers that a supermajority requirement has a ‘tendency to embarrass the operations of government’ and would generate ‘tedious delays; continual negotiation and intrigue; contemptible compromises of the public good.’ This characterization matches how many Americans perceive the Senate today.”

    Merkley then maps the changes from a time in the Senate when delaying tactics were rarely used to the present where “the Senate’s deliberative social contract has unraveled.”

  • November 4, 2011
    Guest Post

    By William Funk, the Robert E. Jones Professor of Law at Lewis & Clark Law School and a Member Scholar of the Center for Progressive Reform. Together with two other law professors, Thomas McGarity of the University of Texas and Sandra Zellmer of the University of Nebraska, he has filed an amicus brief supporting respondents’ arguments against preemption. This is a cross-post from CPRBlog.


    On November 9 the Supreme Court will hear oral argument in National Meat Association v. Harris, wading once again into the mire of federal preemption. The National Meat case involves a California statute that prohibits the slaughter of non-ambulatory animals for human consumption and requires that non-ambulatory animals be immediately and humanely euthanized. A federal law, the Federal Meat Inspection Act (FMIA), thoroughly regulates, although one could question how strictly, the process of slaughtering animals for human consumption. It also contains an express preemption provision that prohibits states from making any “requirements within the scope of this chapter with respect to premises, facilities and operations of any establishment [subject to this chapter], which are in addition to, or different than those made under this chapter.” 21 U.S.C. § 678. But then it also provides that: “this chapter shall not preclude any State ... from making requirement[s] or taking other action, consistent with this chapter, with respect to any other matters regulated under this Act.” The National Meat Association filed suit for declaratory and injunctive relief against the California law as it applies to swine and the processing of pork, claiming that the California law is preempted by the federal law. The Ninth Circuit, in an opinion reflecting the inimitable style of Judge Alex Kozinski, held that the California law was not preempted. The court said that the California law merely identifies what animals may be slaughtered for human consumption, not how they are to be slaughtered. And the law’s provision requiring the euthanizing of non-ambulatory animals, the circuit court said, does not relate to the slaughtering of animals for human consumption.  The Supreme Court, against the advice of the Solicitor General, granted certiorari.

  • November 1, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Stephen I. Vladeck, a law professor and associate dean for scholarship at American University Washington College of Law.


    Typically, when Congress buries critical substantive policy initiatives in massive spending bills, the question is whether anyone — the media, in particular — will take heed. But with regard to the detainee provisions nestled into a subtitle of the Senate Armed Services Committee’s version of the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), garnering public attention has surprisingly not been the issue. Instead, thanks to a very public series of disagreements between Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and Senators Carl Levin and John McCain (respectively the Chair and Ranking Member of the Committee), the jig is up on keeping these provisions under the radar — as manifested, to take two of many examples, in editorials in this Sunday’s Washington Post and last Sunday’s New York Times.

    There’s a lot going on in the NDAA, but the provisions animating much of the current debate would do three separate things:

    1. Define with at least some specificity the scope of the government’s power to detain terrorism suspects without trial;

    2. Mandate the military detention of certain non-citizen terrorism suspects (and thereby bar their prosecution in civilian federal courts); and

    3. Make permanent what have thus far been temporary spending restrictions barring the President from using certain funds to transfer detainees from Guantánamo to the United States for continuing long-term detention.

    A lot of the opprobrium directed at the NDAA — including in Sunday’s Post editorial — has been focused on the latter two provisions, and for good reason. In this post, though, I want to explain why the first provision is no less (and perhaps even more) significant, and why the Post’s endorsement thereof is so alarmingly short-sighted.

  • October 24, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    Republican candidates are making the courts a campaign issue, launching “biting and sustained attacks on the federal courts and the role they play in American life,” The New York Times reports in a front-page story today.

    "Any one of those proposals would significantly undercut the independence and authority of federal judges,” echoes a second article from The Associated Press.

    Proposals from candidates include eliminating those courts that politicians deem “radical,” barring courts from deciding cases on same-sex marriage, and bringing judges before Congress to explain their decisions, under threat of impeachment.

     “These threats go far beyond normal campaign season posturing,” Justice at Stake Executive Director Bert Brandenburg told The Times. “They sound populist, but the proposal is to make courts answer to politicians and interest groups.”

    What’s more, several of these proposals run counter to our constitutional system, such as imposing term limits on federal judges, and enabling Congress to overturn Supreme Court decisions by a two-thirds vote.

    "Debates like these could threaten to lead to a new cycle of attempts to politicize the courts,” Brandenburg tells The Associated Press.

  • October 18, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    In the fifth session of the American Constitution Society’s webcast series, “What the Constitution Means and How to Interpret It,” University of Chicago law professor Aziz Huq will consider the concept of separation of powers.

    During a 30-minute live-streamed discussion, Huq will address presidential powers during wartime, and how the scope of executive power has changed since 9/11. Following a 15-minute presentation, Huq will take questions for 15 minutes.

    Other webcasts in the nine-part series on understanding the Constitution will focus on democracy, criminal justice and liberty. Each session, led by a preeminent scholar, mirrors a chapter in the ACS-published book, Keeping Faith with the Constitution, by Pamela Karlan, Goodwin Liu and Christopher H. Schroeder.

    Lawyers, law students and non-lawyers are encouraged to participate and interact with questions, tweets and Facebook comments. If you are on Twitter, please join ACS both during and after tomorrow’s session at the hashtag #ACSclass.

    The Oct. 19 webcast will occur at 3 p.m. EDT and is free and open to everyone. To see the full schedule, accompanying readings and audio recordings of previous webcasts, visit the web page for “What the Constitution Means and How to Interpret It.”