Sen. Mike Lee

  • April 26, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    In 1994 federal lawmakers on both sides of the aisle banded together to advance legislation aimed at tackling the prevalence of domestic and sexual violence. It was and remains a noble goal. Indeed it represented one of the more communitarian pieces of legislation of the time. The nation it seemed, even if fleeting, to be concerned about bettering the quality of lives of some of the nation’s most vulnerable, as opposed to catering solely to the nation’s wealthiest and most powerful.

    Today reauthorization of the bipartisan Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), as noted on this blog, is mired in mindless obstructionism. The reauthorization measure was approved by the Senate Judiciary Committee in February, and finally passed the Senate today on a 68-31 vote. But House Republicans are itching to keep obstructionism alive, promising their own reauthorization measure.

    Though the Justice Department has reported a decline in domestic violence, a 2011 National Census of Domestic Violence Services revealed that more than 67,000 victims of domestic violence received federal help in a single day.

    Moreover since enactment of the VAWA it has become apparent that services need to be extended, such as free legal services to victims, authority for Native American officials to respond to abuse of Indian women by those not covered by Indian jurisdiction, more help to undocumented people who are victims of domestic violence, and to gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender victims of domestic violence.  

    It is this effort to help more people that spurred opposition. Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) complained about the reauthorization measure’s additional services. Sen. Jeff Sessions (R-Ala.) said the bill’s efforts to expand the reach of domestic violence programs were meant to “invite opposition.”

    Right-wing lobbying groups have also ramped up opposition to reauthorization. The Family Research Council’s Tony Perkins said the VAWA reauthorization bill “does real violence to the budget and individual freedom.

    Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah), a Tea Party favorite, took to the Senate floor to declare that he was not voting against helping victims of domestic violence. He said he was voting against “big government and inefficient spending ….”

    Sen. Patrick Leahy, who introduced the reauthorization measure with Michael Crapo (R-Idaho), lauded today’s Senate vote, and said he hoped the House “will soon consider this legislation ….”

    But The Associated Press reported recently that a group of Republicans in the House is working to create a different reauthorization bill. It would likely strip the Senate’s efforts to help undocumented immigrants, Native Americans, and gays, lesbians and transgenders.

    During the Senate’s drawn-out effort to reauthorize the VAWA, Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) told The New York Times that the Republican opposition “is part of a larger effort, candidly, to cut back on the rights and services to women. We’ve seen it go from discussions on Roe v. Wade, to partial birth abortion, to contraception, to preventive services from women. This seems to be one more thing.”

  • March 13, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Utah Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) can’t stop obsessing over President Obama’s recess appointments of a leader for the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau and three members of the National Labor Relations Board.

    Despite the fact that Republicans had obstructed the president’s nominations to those agencies – they have long opposed the CFPB, and tar the NLRB as a tool of unions – Lee, a Tea Party favorite, has used the recess appointments as a primary excuse for trying to scuttle the president’s judicial nominees.

    But it’s not like Lee (pictured) needed an excuse. His Party has been obstructing the judicial nominations process for years now. Indeed that’s why Majority Leader harry Reid took to the Senate floor yesterday to force action on 17 of the president’s district court nominees. (Typically district court nominees have little trouble being confirmed; not so for Obama, who has seen 19 of his district court nominees filibustered by Senate Republicans.)

    Yesterday before moving to force Senate action on the district court nominees, Reid (D-Nev.) said, “Republicans have refused to allow us to vote – won’t even allow us to vote – on these qualified nominees. What else can we do?”

    Reid also noted the consistently high federal court vacancy rate, saying that 160 million people live in places where judicial emergencies have been created. There are more than 80 vacancies on the federal bench, and a new report from the United States Courts shows that the workload for districts courts is on the rise. As noted on ACSblog, Caroline Fredrickson, ACS president, lambasted the obstruction of judicial selections, saying litigants “whose safety, security and livelihoods are on the line wait years for a resolution in court.”

    Sen. Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.), in a press statement applauding Reid’s move, also noted that “millions of Americans seeking justice in their courts should no longer be stalled by judicial vacancies that would otherwise be filled if only the Senate would fulfill its constitutional role.”

  • February 16, 2012

    by Nicole Flatow

    This morning, The New York Times’ Gail Collins adds to the commentary on Adalberto Jose Jordán’s long and obstruction-filled road to confirmation in a facetious column describing her “shock” at Congress’ deep unpopularity. And she means deep unpopularity. As in, “Unpopular like the Ebola virus, or zombies. Held in near-universal contempt, like TV shows about hoarders with dead cats in their kitchens.”

    Jordan’s nomination, she writes, is the latest example of Congress’ so-called “bipartisan cooperation.” She explains:

    This week, the Senate confirmed Judge Adalberto Jose Jordan to a seat on the federal Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit in Atlanta. A visitor from another country might not have appreciated the proportions of this achievement, given the fact that Jordan, who was born in Cuba and who once clerked for Sandra Day O’Connor, had no discernible opposition.

    But Americans ought to have a better grasp of how the Senate works. The nomination’s progress had long been thwarted by Mike Lee, a freshman Republican from Utah, who has decided to hold up every single White House appointment to anything out of pique over ... well, it doesn’t really matter. When you’re a senator, you get to do that kind of thing.

    This forced the majority leader, Harry Reid, to get 60 votes to move Judge Jordan forward, which is never all that easy. Then there was further delay thanks to Rand Paul, a freshman from Kentucky, who stopped action for as long as possible because he was disturbed about foreign aid to Egypt.

    All that is forgotten now. The nomination was approved, 94 to 5, only 125 days after it was unanimously O.K.’d by the Judiciary Committee. Whiners in the White House pointed out that when George W. Bush was president, circuit court nominations got to a floor vote in an average of 28 days.

    No matter. Good work, Senate! Only 17 more long-pending judicial nominations to go!

    In an effort to move another one of those long-pending nominations, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid filed a motion yesterday to force a vote on federal prosecutor Jesse Furman, nominated to a trial court seat in the Southern District of New York.

    Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy had this to say about a week spent overcoming filibusters of judicial nominees:

  • February 2, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Fuming over the recess appointments President Obama made in January, Iowa Sen. Charles Grassley leveled threats against the Assistant Attorney General Virginia Seitz who authored a legal memorandum backing those appointments. Not only attacking her legal analysis, Grassley said Seitz (pictured) should never be confirmed again for any position.  

    In a piece for The Huffington Post, ACS President Caroline Fredrickson takes Grassley to task for his misguided attacks on Seitz, who he voted to confirm to lead of the Office of Legal Counsel, which is charged with providing legal advice to the president and all executive agencies.

    Fredrickson writes:

    Seitz’s memorandum is straightforward and relies on precedent and historical practice of past attorneys general. If it’s unconvincing to Grassley that’s only because it helped the president stand up to the ongoing obstruction orchestrated by Grassley’s party.

    Since coming into office, President Obama has faced an intensifying front of opposition to his judicial, and many of his executive branch selections. For example, the obstructionism has greatly hobbled our federal courts, where there are more than 80 vacancies and caseloads of courts throughout the nation continue to swell, leaving far too many Americans without access to an efficient judicial system.

    After more than a year of going without a chief, the president moved on naming Richard Cordray to lead the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. Faced with three vacancies on the five-member board of the National Labor Relations Board, and ongoing of obstruction of nominees to those seats, the president used recess appointments to keep the agency functioning.

  • January 30, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    In the face of continued opposition to filling judicial and other vacancies, President Obama reiterated in his weekly address an urgent call for the Senate to cease with the delays and get to work considering and confirming his nominations.

    Although not citing him by name, Obama alluded to Utah Sen. Mike Lee’s recent comments that he planned to stall all of the president’s nominations because of his recess appointments of Richard Cordray to lead the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau and three members to the National Labor Relations Board. Politico reported last week that aides to the senator said “the tea-party favorite could bog down the confirmation process by filibustering and forcing a 60-vote threshold for each nominee.”

    During his Jan. 28 address, the president said, “one of the senator’s aides told reporters that the senator plans to, and I’m quoting here, ‘Delay and slow the process in order to get the President’s attention.’”

    Obama continued, “Well this isn’t about me. We weren’t sent here to wage perpetual political campaigns against each other. We were sent to serve the American people. And they deserve better than gridlock and games. One senator gumming up the whole works for the entire country is certainly not what our founding fathers envisioned.”

    As he did during his State of the Union Address, the president said it’s long past time for the foot-dragging on nominations to stop, and urged both parties to pass “a rule that allows all judicial and public service nominations a simple up-or-down vote within 90 days.”