Second Amendment

  • April 12, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Glenn Sugameli, Staff Attorney, Defenders of Wildlife's Judging the Environment. Sugameli founded in 2001 and still heads the environmental community's Judging the Environment project and website on federal judicial nominations and related issues.


    Justice delayed continues to be justice denied, as unjustifiable Senate obstruction of federal judicial nominees delays resolution of urgent health, safety, environmental, and other cases.

    In the latest example, Nevada GOP Senator Dean Heller’s misunderstanding of the Supreme Court’s coincidentally-named D.C. v. Heller decision has led him to block a Judiciary Committee hearing on a pending nominee.

    My December 2008 ACSblog guest post discussed the need to fill the then-existing 44 empty federal judgeships. Since then, the vacancy crisis has worsened. March 27, 2012 marked the 1,000th consecutive day with 80 or more current vacancies. Today there are 81 current vacancies, and with 18 announced future vacancies, there are 99 seats to fill. My September 2011 guest post described how U.S. Courts declared "judicial emergency" vacancies had increased during President Obama’s term from 20 to 35; now there are 34.

    To fill one of these judicial emergencies, President Obama selected Clark County District Court Judge Elissa Cadish for a District of Nevada seat. In 2007, Cadish was appointed to replace a retired state judge. She was elected in 2008 with strong support from the Editorial Boards of the Las Vegas Sun, and of the Las Vegas Review Journal, which stated: “In her knowledge of the law, in her intellectual firepower and judicial demeanor, Elissa Cadish was a superlative appointment who voters can proudly retain.” For the federal district court, the American Bar Association rated Cadish unanimously Qualified.

    The vast majority of Republican senators have strongly supported President Obama’s judicial nominees from their state. This even includes freshmen Republican senators who helped to confirm 10 nominees for judgeships whom Obama re-submitted after the senators were elected.

    Sen. Heller, however, has refused to sign the home-state senator “blue slip” that is needed for Judge Cadish’s Committee hearing. Moreover, he would only be willing to hold a pointless meeting with her “to tell her why I don't support her nomination."

    The Las Vegas Sun editorial “Preventing Justice” explained:

  • September 1, 2011
    BookTalk
    Gunfight
    The Battle over the Right to Bear Arms in America
    By: 
    Adam Winkler

    By Adam Winkler, a professor at UCLA School of Law.


    I’ll never forget the scene outside the Supreme Court building the day of oral argument in District of Columbia v. Heller. Scores of reporters and camera crews were there to cover the hundreds of protestors who turned First Street into a lively theatre of debate over the meaning of the Second Amendment. A man with a bullhorn boomed, “More guns!” In response, gun rights supporters in the crowd hollered, “Less crime!” “More guns!” “Less crime!” A group of gun control proponents whispered among themselves and the next time the man with the bullhorn chanted “More guns” they yelled, “More crime!” As in the gun debate more generally, however, the gun controllers were easily drowned out by the more numerous and vocal gun rights advocates. 

    Although the language of the Second Amendment has confused generations of lawyers, the protestors in front of the famous marble steps of the Supreme Court knew exactly what it meant. To gun rights supporters, the amendment clearly guaranteed individuals the right to own guns and placed strict limits on gun control. To proponents of gun control, the amendment merely provided for state militias and had little relevance for ordinary gun laws. Although the two sides reached very different conclusions, they shared a common view of the right to bear arms. Both sides believed an individual right to have guns was fundamentally incompatible with gun control. We must choose one or the other.

    Gunfight: The Battle over the Right to Bear Arms in America shows that, contrary to the extremists on both sides, we’ve always had both a right to bear arms and gun control. The founding fathers who wrote the Second Amendment had gun laws that the modern gun lobby would never accept. Not only did they prohibit free blacks and slaves from owning guns to promote public safety, they also restricted the gun rights of political dissenters. They required ordinary citizens to buy military style firearms — an early version of an “individual mandate”—and ordered them to appear for mandatory “musters” where their guns would be inspected and registered on public rolls. To them, the Second Amendment was not a libertarian license. We the people were the militia, but that militia was required to be “well regulated.”

  • August 15, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    Justice Antonin Scalia may be the Supreme Court’s “ultimate originalist,” but when it comes to the Second Amendment, he has recently embraced a living Constitution, UCLA law professor Adam Winkler suggests in a column for The Atlantic adopted from his forthcoming book, Gunfight: The Battle Over the Right to Bear Arms in America.

    In his article, Winkler traces the surprising and contradictory history of the U.S. right to bear arms, starting with the Founding Fathers’ own version of an “individual mandate” that required many citizens to purchase guns, while forbidding gun ownership for slaves, free blacks, and “law-abiding white men who refused to swear loyalty to the Revolution.”

    The National Rifle Association, founded as an organization to improve American soldiers’ marksmanship, was “at the forefront of legislative efforts to enact gun control” in the 1920s and 1930s, and only shifted to become a “lobbying powerhouse committed to a more aggressive view of what the Second Amendment promises to citizens” in 1977, Winkler explains.

  • October 21, 2010
    Following a recent ACS panel discussion on the future of gun control regulation in the wake of landmark Supreme Court cases regarding Second Amendment rights, UCLA School of Law Professor Adam Winkler told ACSblog that those high court cases provided little guidance to lower federal courts on handling constitutional challenges to gun laws.

    Winkler, co-author of a recent ACS Issue Brief called "The Standardless Second Amendment," said that the vast majority of lower federal courts have upheld gun control regulation, but on divergent standards. Winkler said the lower federal courts are "generally confused about how to address the constitutional question" in cases involving gun control laws. As long as the lower court cases remain unsettled on what standard to apply to Second Amendment challenges to gun control laws, the more likely the Supreme Court will have to weigh in again on the matter.

    Winkler also noted his forthcoming book, Gunfight: The Battle Over the Right to Bear Arms in America. "The story of America's so-called gun culture is that we've always tried to balance gun rights with reasonable efforts to protect public safety by regulating the most dangerous people or the most dangerous guns," Winkler said of the book, which is set to be published next year. Winkler's interview is below and the entire panel discussion is available here. You can also download it as a podcast here.

  • October 18, 2010
    The Supreme Court's landmark rulings on the Second Amendment provided little guidance to lower federal courts on how to interpret challenges to gun control regulations, authors of a new ACS Issue Brief maintain.

    In "The Standardless Second Amendment," Tina Mehr, an attorney fellow at the Los Angeles County District Attorney's Office, and Adam Winkler, a professor of law at UCLA School of Law, note, "Traditionally, the Supreme Court articulates a standard of review for lower courts to apply to laws burdening fundamental rights."

    But in D.C. v. Heller, where the Supreme Court found that owning a gun is an individual right protected by the Second Amendment, and then held that the right applies to the states in McDonald v. Chicago, the high court "declined to establish a clear standard or test for the Second Amendment," they write.

    Since Heller and McDonald, lower federal courts have dealt with more than 200 cases challenging gun control regulations, and while the courts methods for interpreting the laws have varied, most have been upheld as "public safety exceptions," that do not violate the Second Amendment, Mehr and Winkler write.

    But as the authors note, Justice Stephen Breyer's dissent in McDonald includes a prescient observation. Breyer predicted confusion among the federal courts, writing, "Does the right to possess weapons for self-defense extend outside the home? To the car? To work? What sort of guns are necessary for self-defense? Handguns? Rifles? Semiautomatic weapons?"

    See the authors' Issue Brief here. For more discussion on Second Amendment rights and gun control regulation, watch video of a recent ACS panel discussion here.