Rick Hasen

  • October 11, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    A federal appeals court provided a setback to Ohio Secretary of State Jon Husted’s effort to create more hurdles to voting, by ruling against a part of the state’s rigid provisional ballot rules.

    A panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit, in an unsigned opinion, kept in place an injunction barring election officials from refusing to count ballots cast at the wrong precinct because of poll workers’ errors. SEIU and other groups lodged a lawsuit against the state arguing that an injunction against the law was needed to “prevent the irreparable and unconstitutional disqualification of thousands of lawfully registered voters’ ballots in the upcoming November 2012 general election.” In August, U.S. District Judge Algenon L. Marbley agreed with SEIU’s argument and issued a preliminary injunction against the law.

    Today’s Sixth Circuit action supported the bar against the provisional ballot rule. The appeals court noted that pursuant to Ohio law poll workers carry the burden of ensuring voters are at the correct precinct and that they have correct precinct ballots. The appeals court also took note of the “voluminous evidence” presented by SEIU “that poll workers give voters wrong-precinct ballots for a number of reasons, ranging from misunderstanding counties’ precinct location guides to failing to understand the vote-disqualifying ramifications of handing out wrong-precinct ballots.”

    “The Secretary failed to present evidence to the district court that other factors besides poll-worker error caused wrong-precinct ballots, and the State offers none now,” the Sixth Circuit stated.

    But the provision of the elections law requiring the rejection of right-place/wrong precinct ballots, the court continued “caused by poll-worker error effectively requires voters to have a greater knowledge of their precinct, precinct ballot, and polling place than poll workers. Absent such omniscience, the State will permanently reject their ballots without an opportunity to cure the situation. The mere fact that these voters cast provisional ballots does not justify this additional burden; as the district court explained.”

  • January 20, 2012

    By Nicole Flatow

    The U.S. Supreme Court issued its much-anticipated decision this morning on Texas’s redistricting plan.

    In a unanimous unsigned opinion, the court rejected election maps devised by a Texas federal district court, asking the lower court to give the map-drawing another try, this time using the original maps drawn by the Texas Legislature as a "starting point."

    As UC Irving Law professor Rick Hasen notes in very early commentary for Election Law Blog, the decision is a win for the Texas, “and will require the drawing of districts much more likely to favor Texas’s interim plan.” The alternative court-drawn map was the result of legal challenges alleging that the map discriminated against minorities.  

    Hasen breaks down the decision:

  • May 10, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Rick Hasen, William H. Hannon Distinguished Professor of Law, Loyola Law School - Los Angeles & Publisher, Election Law Blog

    Last night, as word leaked out that the President was set to nominate Solicitor General Elena Kagan to the Supreme Court, I put up a post on my Election Law Blog noting that we know virtually nothing about SG Kagan's views on election law issues such as campaign financing, voting rights, redistricting issues, voter identification, and other important issues. I said, however, that just because the SG is likely to be generally liberal on issues related to election law (given that she was nominated by a Democratic president and served in two Democratic administrations), that did not necessarily translate into support for reasonable campaign finance regulation, such as the limits on corporate campaign spending in candidate elections, which the Supreme Court struck down in the recent Citizens United case.

    I pointed to Dean Kathleen Sullivan as an example of a leading liberal constitutional law scholar who has written extensively against the constitutionality of campaign finance limits. (To that list, I might add my friend Bob Bauer, who is a staunch Democrat-and current White House counsel charged with shepherding the Kagan nomination through the Senate. He is a longstanding opponent of many campaign finance regulations.)

  • April 6, 2010

    In his latest piece on Slate, Prof. Rick Hasen of Loyola Law School explores the frontiers of modern campaign finance regulations in the wake of Citizens United v. FEC. Hasen, a frequent ACS participant, warns that the Supreme Court's decision to loosen regulations of corporate campaign contributions may pale in comparison to the next move by deregulation strategists.

    Hasen writes:

    [I]t turns out that the call for unlimited campaign spending is just the opening act for the campaign finance deregulationists. In Act II, now underway, they argue for anonymity in their independent election spending. (If they succeed, in Act III they'll argue for the right to give unlimited anonymous sums directly to candidates.) Citizens United is now claiming that it is a bona fide media organization entitled to the same exemption from disclosure that applies to news organizations like Slate or the Weekly Standard. Citizens United doesn't want to say who is paying for its campaign-oriented films, such as Hillary: The Movie, its offering in the last presidential primary season, aimed at proving that Hillary Clinton was a "European-style socialist." Citizens United want its donors to be able to hide behind the organization's innocuous-sounding name as it goes on the political attack.