President Obama

  • February 13, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    In a State of the Union Address largely focused on economic policy aimed at helping the middle class as opposed to measures long trumpeted by conservative lawmakers that coddle the superrich, President Obama also highlighted the unequal effects that too many state laws had on voting last year. As The New York Times recently reported, African Americans and Latinos “waited nearly twice as long to vote as whites, according to a study conducted by the Massachusetts Institute for Technology.”

    Obama called for a bipartisan commission, including his campaign lawyer Robert Bauer and Mitt Romney’s counsel Ben Ginsberg, to investigate the voting difficulties and irregularities of the 2012 election cycle.

    That’s a commendable action, but we must not forget that the nation’s strongest law to combat racial discrimination in voting remains the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and especially its major enforcement provision, Section 5. Section 5 applies to certain states and localities with deep histories of discriminating against potential voters because of their race. And in 2006, Congress developed an exhaustive record showing that racial discrimination in voting still persisted and indeed remained most invidious in those jurisdictions. Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act provides citizens nationwide with the ability to challenge discriminatory practices wherever they occur.

    But Section 5 is the bulwark against those state officials bent on creating ways to keep minorities away from the polls. Indeed, the Department of Justice and several civil liberties groups relied on Section 5 to halt or blunt efforts in Texas, South Carolina and Florida (all covered by Section 5) that would have disproportionately impacted the minority vote.

    While Section 5 is integral to the Voting Rights Act, it is also despised by some state officials in the covered jurisdictions. Alabama officials are urging the U.S. Supreme Court to invalidate Section 5, arguing in part that racial discrimination in voting is largely a relic. The high court will hear oral argument in the case, Shelby County v. Holder on Feb. 27 and is expected to issue a ruling in late spring or early summer. (For more information about the Voting Rights Act and the Shelby County case see ACS’s Voting Rights Act Resource Page.)

  • February 11, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Despite attorneys in the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel who appear to have produced a lengthy justification for targeted killings that skewers the English language to wend its around constitutional principles such as due process before the government can deprive a person of liberty, President Obama has nonetheless taken solid action to counter the right’s take on the Constitution as a document that limits government’s ability to take collective action to protect and advance the nation’s welfare.

    In a piece for The New Republic, Simon Lazarus, senior counsel to the Constitutional Accountability Center, says it’s about time – likely long overdue -- that progressives provide a compelling alternative to the right’s simplistic, but effective rhetoric of a Constitution that is all about individual rights and a weak central government.

    Quickly after the president provided some staunchly liberal rhetoric in his Second Inaugural address, Republican lawmakers, such as Sens. Mitch McConnell (R-K.Y.) and Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) brayed that the president was ushering in or attempting to an age of radical liberalism. Grassley, as noted here, also groused that the president had turned the Second Amendment on its head by arguing that new measures aimed at curbing gun violence were no threat to the individual right to bear arms.

    The president’s rhetoric on the Constitution, Lazarus writes, “echoes that of the Reconstruction Congresses which enacted the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. In line with then-existing Supreme Court precedent, they believed Congress empowered to prevent interference with the exercise of individual rights created by constitutional prohibitions on government. Specifically, they held the federal government responsible for preventing private violence and intimidation designed to deter former slaves from voting and enjoying other constitutionally prescribed liberties. And they wrote into the amendments express authority for Congress to ‘enforce’ that responsibility.”  

     

  • February 8, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The Obama administration is bending very little to accommodate the mounting calls for the release of legal reasoning for targeted killings of U.S. citizens abroad. So far the president has only agreed to provide legal documents regarding the use of drones and targeted killings to a couple of congressional intelligence committees.

    But Senate Judiciary Committee leaders, Chairman Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) and Ranking Member Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) in a Feb. 7 letter to President Obama are calling for more information.  

    The white paper leaked earlier this week, apparently providing a summary of a document crafted by a few attorneys in the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) advanced wobbly -- some have said shoddy -- arguments that the administration’s counterterrorism policy, especially its use of drones, does not subvert constitutional principles. The white paper, in part, concluded that the president could order a targeted killing if the suspected terrorist posed an “imminent threat to the country,” capture would prove “infeasible,’ and that the operation “would be conducted in a manner consistent with applicable law of war principles.”

    Constitutional law experts, like Georgetown’s David Cole blasted the white paper, concluding it allows for the federal government to “kill its own citizens in secret.” The drone war, he explained has significantly reduced “disincentives to killing.

    Leahy and Grassley are not terribly impressed with the white paper either, saying in their letter, that it “was not an adequate substitute for the underlying legal analysis that we believed had been prepared by the Department’s [DOJ] Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) ….”

    The senators also note that the legal arguments in the white paper centered on core constitutional concerns, such as the Fourth Amendment (bars government from “unreasonable searches and seizures” and the Fifth Amendment (the Amendment’s Due Process Clause provides or is supposed to provide for a fair hearing before government can “deprive a person of life, liberty, or property.")  The Senate Judiciary Committee also has “direct oversight jurisdiction over the Department, including OLC.”

    For a president who came to power promising a more transparent government – Obama had been a sharp critic of the prior administration’s proclivity for secrecy – it seems that the legal analysis apparently calling for an outlandish extension of executive power should be made public for all, not just a few senators.

     

  • February 6, 2013

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The increasingly disturbing use of Reaper and Predator drones to kill suspected terrorists, and too often civilians alongside them, was apparently given the green light by some DOJ lawyers in the Office of Legal Counsel (OLC). But that’s not for certain since the Obama administration rarely talks about the drone war.

    But a leaked white paper apparently crafted by lawyers in the OLC may be a summary of a more expansive document – the ACLU is suing to find out. The paper, however, as The New York Times and others have quickly noted advances convoluted and radical arguments for an outrageous expansion of executive power.

    Constitutional law scholar and Georgetown University law school professor David Cole, in a piece for NYR blog explores, “how we made killing easy.” And Cole notes by the way that the Obama administration is battling “tooth and nail” the ACLU’s effort to force the release of the entire  legal document.

    The white paper argues that an informed, high-ranking government official can order the killing of a U.S. citizen integral to or associated with Al-Qaeda abroad if the person poses an “imminent threat of violent attack” against the country, the person is unlikely to be captured and that the killing operation would be conducted in accordance with laws governing war.

    The brief paper tosses aside due process in a strained effort to justify executive branch power, with essentially no oversight, to order the killing of terrorist suspects, even U.S. citizens.

     

  • January 30, 2013
    Guest Post

    by Russell Wheeler, Visiting Fellow, The Brookings Institution

    My recent ACS Issues Brief was not overly optimistic about the likely efficacy of various proposals to speed the nomination and confirmation of district and circuit judges in President Obama’s second term. Any significant changes, for that matter, stand little chance of adoption in the midst of contentious confirmation battles.

    A modest change to Senate procedures, though, adopted after the Brief was prepared, may shorten the time between district nominees’ Judiciary Committee hearings and any floor votes to confirm the nominations.

    Judicial nomination processing times in Obama’s first term increased substantially over those in the first terms of Presidents Clinton and Bush -- 223 days on average from nomination to confirmation for district judges, compared to 93 days for Clinton’s first term district appointees and 155 for Bush’s. And unlike in the Clinton and Bush first terms, the bulk of the time that Obama’s appointees waited came after their Judiciary Committee hearings. Once Clinton’s appointees got hearings, they waited only 30 days for their confirmation votes. Bush’s district appointees waited 54 days. Obama’s first term district appointees, by contrast, waited an average of 142 days.

    Near-eight month average wait times from nomination to confirmation have several deleterious effects, especially when combined with the over a year wait time on average between the vacancy (or its announcement) and the nomination. For one thing, obviously, a vacant judgeship is not a productive judgeship. Moreover the time potential nominees wait as senators and the White House jostle over whom to nominate, and the time actual nominees spend waiting for hearings and floor votes, can put their professional lives in limbo. Potential clients will be wary of signing on with a lawyer who’s being talked about for a judgeship, much less one whose nomination is before the Senate. Even state judges, term-limited federal judges, and government and public defender lawyers may be reluctant to become the object of extended delay and public speculation. In short, the nomination and confirmation process discourages some quality potential judges from putting themselves forward as candidates and thus serves itself as a barrier to filling vacancies.