Perry v. New Hampshire

  • January 11, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Brandon L. Garrett, a professor at the University of Virginia School of Law and author of "Convicting the Innocent: Where Criminal Prosecutions Go Wrong.”


    The Court has decided two cases involving eyewitness evidence in two days, both 8-1 rulings, but with seemingly inconsistent attitudes towards eyewitness identification procedures. The dueling cases touch more on general conduct of police and prosecutors than on core issues regarding reliability of eyewitness memory. But they provide a fascinating look at how the Justices may evaluate trial evidence in criminal cases.

    In the first case, Smith v. Cain, a "single witness" linked Juan Smith to five murders he was convicted of in New Orleans. It was an easy case, with seven Justices joining Chief Justice Roberts' short, clear opinion. At trial, the lone witness said he saw the attacker face to face and was sure Smith was the one. However, it emerged in habeas proceedings that the prosecutor never told the defense that the single witness told police early on that he did not think he could even make an identification of the killer. Maybe he was not an eyewitness at all – just a witness. Police notes documented how in the days right after the crime, he said he “could not ID anyone because [he] couldn’t see faces” and “would not know them if [he] saw them.” Everything hinged on this one witness; there was no other evidence. 

    The Justices readily concluded that such powerful evidence undermining the testimony of the state's only evidence was "material"  and there was a "reasonable probability" that it would have made a difference at trial. This was serious misconduct. 

    In contrast, Justice Thomas, who wrote a lengthy dissent, emphasized how months after the crime, the witness (who he called an “eyewitness”) saw Smith's photo and said, "This is it. I’ll never forget that face." Justice Thomas emphasized that the witness was “confident.” Yet consider the vast body of research on eyewitness memory. The memory of an eyewitness degrades - in a matter of hours, not days. And the the confidence of an eyewitness at trial does not mean much at all as to its accuracy; that much is crystal clear from decades of social science research.

    In the second case the Court decided, the witness did see something, said she saw something, and identified the defendant at the crime scene in person (although not at a photo array and she was not asked to identify him trial). She was a single eyewitness. The vote count was flipped. In Perry v. New Hampshire, it was the lone dissenter who recounted the lessons from three decades of research on eyewitness memory. Justice Sotomayor argued that whether or not police intend to set up an identification procedure, the court should conduct the due process “reliability” analysis. Justice Sotomayor cited to the noteworthy New Jersey Supreme Court decision last fall creating a social science framework to regulate eyewitness memory, to the fine briefing by the American Psychology Association, and to my research on the role that eyewitness misidentifications play in wrongful convictions. (In reading the trials of the first 250 people exonerated by DNA tests, I saw countless examples of eyewitnesses who were certain at trial and claimed they would never forget that face - but DNA tests showed they were wrong.)

  • November 3, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Brandon L. Garrett, a professor at University of Virginia School of Law and author of "Convicting the Innocent: Where Criminal Prosecutions Go Wrong.”


    While there had been great interest in the oral arguments in Perry v. New Hampshire yesterday, because the case is the first case dealing with due process standards for reviewing eyewitness identifications that the Court has heard since deciding Manson v. Brathwaite thirty-four years ago, and because there has been a drumbeat of revelations about wrongful convictions based on eyewitness misidentifications, the proceedings suggested that this was an odd case for the Court to have accepted in the first place. 

    The case involved a report of a black man breaking into a car in a parking lot to steal a stereo. Police arrived at the scene and asked Barion Perry to wait with a uniformed officer. Another police officer went into a building to talk to an eyewitness, who promptly looked out the window and identified Perry, the only black man standing there, next to the officer in uniform, as the man who had stolen the stereo. The eyewitness was later unable to identify Perry either in a subsequent lineup or at his trial. The trial court rejected Perry’s claim that this was a show-up identification, where the eyewitness was shown a single suspect, that should be reviewed under the Manson v. Brathwaite due process standard.  The trial court, and then the New Hampshire Supreme Court, concluded that the identification happened by happenstance, and since the police did not intend to arrange a show-up, there was no state action, and due process did not apply.  Since the case was about whether to even apply the Manson v. Brathwaite standard, the larger and more pressing issues about improving that standard, regulating presentation of eyewitness evidence in the courtroom, and improving lineup procedures in the first instance, are not squarely raised.