Pennsylvania

  • April 5, 2013

    by E. Sebastian Arduengo

    Leave it to The Wall Street Journal’s editorial board to attack what may be the most rational approach in this country for selecting judges in favor of an approach that leaves the judiciary vulnerable to the same kind of unspoken quid pro quo influence that plagues the political branches of government.

    Missouri has long had one of the one of the best non-partisan judicial appointment plans in the country. Under the plan, which has since been adopted at least partially by 34 states, a non-partisan commission (usually with close ties to the state bar) reviews candidates for a judicial vacancy, and produces a list of people from which the governor can make an appointment. If the governor doesn’t make an appointment, the selection committee can put a judge on the bench itself. The only popular “check” on the process is a retention election that is typically held once the judge has completed one year of service.

    The main criticism of this method of selecting judges is that it gives state bar associations, and plaintiff’s lawyers in particular, too much power in the nominations process, while voters effectively have no input on the people who will take the bench. This argument has been the clarion call of the Journal, and it was brought up again in this recent editorial, with the outrageous claim that Pennsylvania’s recent moves to become the latest state to adopt the Missouri Plan amounted to “the political class … using a political scandal to grab more power.”

    Predictably, the Journal glossed over the nature of the scandal prompting Pennsylvania to consider switching from its current system of elections for judges – one of the biggest in the state’s history. It resulted in the resignation of state Supreme Court Justice Joan Orie Melvin, after she was found guilty of using state employees to run her reelection campaign. One of her sisters, a former state Senator, is already serving prison time after pleading guilty to using state employees to work on her own and Melvin’s campaigns, then forging documents to cover it up.

  • August 15, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The tired, tawdry politics fueling the raft of harsh voter ID laws received a boost today via a flimsy and annoying Pennsylvania state court judge’s opinion.

    Commonwealth Court Judge Robert Simpson shunted aside arguments that Pennsylvania’s new voter ID measure shoved into law by rightwing lawmakers just in time for the approaching presidential election that makes voting much more difficult for low-income people, minorities, the elderely and students to vote.

    A recent report from the Brennan Center for Law and Justice, which studied Pennsylvania’s law and a number of the other outlandish voter suppression measures, showed that it was not easy for working people, the elderly and others to obtain the proper ID for voting. The offices have restricted hours and can be difficult to get to, especially for people trying to hold down jobs to feed and house families. The Brennan Center said that more “than 1 million eligible voters in these 10 photo ID states fall below the federal poverty line and reside more than 10 miles from the nearest ID-issuing office. These voters can be particularly affected by the significant costs for the documentation required to obtain photo ID. Birth certificates can cost between $8 and $25. By comparison the notorious poll tax – outlawed during the civil rights era – cost $10.64 in current dollars.”

    Judge Simpson, however, was unmoved by the onerous hurdles, saying that voters unable to obtain the proper photo ID could rely on absentee or provisional ballots. The judge’s opinion is available here.

    The ACLU of Pennsylvania, the Advancement Project, the Public Interest Law Center of Philadelphia and the Washington, D.C. law firm Arnold & Porter are representing Pennsylvanians challenging the law.

    Judith Browne Dianis, co-director of Advancement Project, blasted Simpson’s decision, calling it an “affront to a core American value and takes us back to a dark time in our nation’s history. This requires hundreds and hundreds of thousands of Pennsylvania voters who lack the specific government-issued photo ID to jump through burdensome hoops to exercise their most basic legal right. Many will not be able to vote at all.”

    Suppressing the vote, regardless of what some journalists will claim, is the overarching motivation behind most of the new measures. Indeed in Pennsylvania, one lawmaker boasted to a gathering of Republicans that the new voter ID law would help Mitt Romney carry the state in November.   

  • July 26, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Before 2011 only two states required their residents to produce government issued ID to vote, but a movement to clamp down on civic participation has been on a roll, fueled by wobbly assertions of voter fraud, and according to a new study, “racial resentment.”

    A recent poll conducted by the University of Delaware Center for Political Communication shows that support for the harsh voter ID laws “is strongest among Americans who harbor negative sentiments toward African Americans.”

    The Center’s research faculty David C. Wilson and Paul Brewer conducted the survey, which included a series of statements intended to measure “racial resentment” of the respondents. For instance, respondents were asked whether they agreed or disagreed, and how strongly, with the statement: “I resent any special consideration that African Americans receive because it’s unfair to other Americans.”

    Brewer said the findings “suggest that Americans’ attitudes about race play an important role in driving their views on voter ID laws.”  

    The Department of Justice is investigating, and challenging in court, several of the new laws. For example, It has opened an investigation of the Pennsylvania, to determine whether it violates the rights of African Americans and other minorities, protected by the Voting Rights Act. U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder, in a speech to the NAACP, said some of the voter ID laws, such as the one in Texas, are akin to the Jim Crow era poll tax.

    In reference to the Texas voter ID law, Holder said a “concealed handgun license would be an acceptable form of photo ID – but student IDs would not. Many of those without IDs would have to travel great distances to get them – and some would struggle to pay for the documents they might need to obtain them. We call those poll taxes.”

    His comments seriously irked right-wing pundits. But a recent report by The Brennan Center for Justice supports Holder’s assertion.

    Studying the states with the restrictive voter ID laws, including the one being challenged by a coalition of civil liberties groups in Pennsylvania, The Brennan Center’s report found that “nearly 500,000 eligible voters do not have access to a vehicle and live more than 10 miles from the nearest state ID-issuing office,” which has limited hours of operation.

  • July 24, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    All too often proponents of ridiculously rigid voter ID laws cite voter fraud as justification. It is, those supporters argue, the integrity of the nation’s elections that need to be protected. But the argument is not only tired, it’s wobbly. It also masks the pernicious impact these laws have on low-income voters, minority voters, and the elderly.

    As noted in this post last week, Viviette Applewhite, a 93-year-old Philadelphian is fighting back against Pennsylvania’s new voter ID law. Represented by the ACLU of Pennsylvania, the Advancement Project, the Public Interest Law Center of Philadelphia and the D.C. law firm Arnold & Porter LLP Applewhite is challenging the law as a violation of the Pennsylvania Constitution. The lawsuit argues the voter ID act subverts the state’s constitution “by depriving citizens of their most fundamental constitutional right – the right to vote.”

    Reporting for TPM, Ryan J. Reilly notes that as the lawsuit proceeds to trial, state officials have “formally acknowledged that there’s been no reported in-person voter fraud in Pennsylvania.”

    The state officials, Reilly continues, “signed a stipulation agreement with lawyers for the plaintiffs which acknowledges that there ‘have been no investigations or prosecutions of in-person voter fraud in Pennsylvania; and the parties do not have direct personal knowledge of any such investigations or prosecutions in other states.” Moreover, Reilly notes that the state acknowledges in the stipulation agreement that it “will not offer any evidence in this action that in-person voter fraud has in fact occurred in Pennsylvania and elsewhere.”

    For proponents of the harsh voter ID laws, the state's stipulation is likely disappointing. It should not be surprising, however, to anyone paying attention to the machinations behind the creation of the onerous laws.  

    In a recent ACS Issue Brief, Loyola Law School Profess Justin Levitt examines the new restrictions on civic participation, highlighting the numerous studies and examinations that undermine claims of voter fraud.

    “There have been credible allegations of impersonation at the polls,” Levitt says. “But they are notable for their rarity. In the most prominent forum to date for collecting such allegations [a 2008 case before the Supreme Court], proponents of these rules cited nine votes since 2000 that were caused by fraud that in-person identification rules could possibly stop … or by mistake. During that same period, 400 million votes were cast, in general elections alone. Even assuming that each of the nine voters were fraudulent, that amounts to a relevant fraud rate of 0.000002 percent.”

  • July 20, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    In a piece examining stringent voter ID laws implemented by a string of states, The New York Times likely in pursuit of balance or so-called objectivity trumpets the defense of the new impediments to voting.

    The laws, Ethan Bronner writes are called “voter suppression” by Democrats, and proponents of them say they are really about ensuring integrity of the nation’s elections, by wiping out voter fraud. And besides, those supporters note, we live in an “era when photo identification is routine for many basic things including air travel.”

    But Viviette Applewhite, interviewed for the piece, gets closer to the truth.

    She’s a 93-year-old Philadelphian who had no difficulty voting in 2008, but because of the state’s new voter ID law is looking at the possibility of not participating in a fundamental component of democracy this time around. “They’re trying to stop black people from voting so Obama will not get re-elected,” Applewhite, whose purse with all her identification was stolen, said. “That’s what this whole thing is about.”

    A Pennsylvania Republican who helped shove the rigid voter ID law through the legislature claimed that it would help the party’s presidential candidate carry the state.

    More importantly, the Constitution does provide that citizens “shall not be denied” the ability to vote because of race. Purchasing a cocktail or an airplane ticket is an action that often requires photo identification. Voting, however, is rather integral to democracy. So equating voting with other actions that require photo IDs is lame.