Pamela Karlan

  • September 15, 2011
    BookTalk
    Keeping Faith with the Constitution
    By: 
    Goodwin Liu, Pamela S. Karlan & Christopher H. Schroeder

    This post, first published September 15, 2010, is part of the ACSblog Constitution Week Symposium. The author, Pamela Karlan, a law professor at Stanford Law School and co-director of the law school’s Supreme Court Clinic. The book she coauthored with Goodwin Liu and Christopher H. Schroeder, Keeping Faith with the Constitution, provides the framework for a new ACS webinar series, “What the Constitution Means and How to Interpret It.”


    Keeping Faith with the Constitution wades into a long-running debate about how we should interpret our Constitution. This debate is an important part of public policy discussions on everything from judicial nominations to health care reform. For a long time, conservatives have framed this debate by portraying themselves as strict adherents to the text and original understanding of the Constitution, while claiming that liberals and progressives ignore the text and decide cases based on their own values or policy preferences.

    That characterization is, of course, a caricature. In our book, we approach the topic through a different set of questions: How have judges, elected officials and citizens actually gone about the process of constitutional interpretation? What explains the enduring character of our Constitution in light of the profound economic, social and political changes that our nation has gone through? And how does this 220-year-old document retain its legitimacy, authority and relevance over time? Simply put, our thesis is that the Constitution has endured because judges, elected officials and citizens throughout our history have engaged in an ongoing process of interpretation. That interpretation reflects fidelity to our written Constitution. To be faithful to the Constitution is to interpret its words and to apply its principles in ways that sustain their vitality over time. Fidelity to the Constitution requires us to ask not how its text and principles would have been applied in 1789 or 1868, but rather how they should be applied today in light of the conditions and concerns of our society.

  • June 22, 2011

    Several of the nation’s top constitutional experts engaged in a robust discussion on what the U.S. Constitution means and how to interpret it, during the opening plenary discussion at the American Constitution Society’s Tenth Anniversary National Convention.

    ACS Board Chair Geoffrey R. Stone, a law professor at the University of Chicago, kicked off the discussion by offering a new way of framing constitutional interpretation, as articulated in a recent article in Democracy: A Journal of Ideas he coauthored with University of North Carolina law professor William Marshall, entitled “The Framers’ Constitution.”

    In the article, Stone and Marshall lay out their vision for interpreting the Constitution as the Framers intended, recognizing that the Framers were “visionaries” and not “timid men” who would have viewed originalists’ vision that “any particular moment’s understanding of the meaning of the Constitution’s open-ended provisions should be locked into place” as wrongheaded.

    “As men of the Enlightenment, [the Framers] believed that just as reason, observation and experience would enable us to gain greater understanding over time into questions of biology, physics, economics and human nature, so, too, would they enable us to learn more over time about the content and meaning of the broad principles they had enshrined in our Constitution,” Stone explained in his remarks.

  • May 19, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Adam Winkler, Professor of Law, UCLA School of Law


    Does Goodwin Liu’s stalled nomination to the federal bench signal the end of judicial nominations for academics? Law professors have never been the darlings of the Senate Judiciary Committee – or even of presidents considering appointments to the federal courts. What’s happening with Goodwin Liu may yet further reduce the likelihood of law professors receiving nominations in the future.

    Law professors aren’t natural choices for federal judgeships to begin with. Nominations for the lower federal courts often come from the senators in the state in which the vacancy arises, and law professors don’t tend to be politically connected players close with elected officials. As a general matter, we don’t make much money, contribute much to campaigns, or raise much for candidates. So when senators recommend nominees to the president, they are more likely to be partners at big firms than professors from big schools. (The Supreme Court is an obvious exception; over the past century, the Court was filled with law professors, from Frankfurter and Douglas to Scalia and Kagan.)

    Even if a law professor scores a nomination, today’s highly polarized confirmation process, coupled with new technologies, make confirmation very difficult. Any law professor that writes on a politically contentious issue like abortion, affirmative action, or same-sex marriage will have those writings used against him. This isn’t unique to law professors; any writings of any nominee will be scrutinized. A sitting judge, however, can explain away controversial opinions by saying they don’t reflect her personal views but were required by precedent. Law professors don’t have that easy out – as Liu’s case shows. Republicans have refused to allow Liu to win confirmation because of his writings in favor of affirmative action and against torture.

    Of course, not all law professors will face the same difficulty. Elena Kagan was confirmed despite being a former law professor. Kagan, however, had written only a handful of scholarly articles and most of them argued for broad free speech rights – a position that both Republicans and Democrats could accept. When staffers went out to search her articles for statements they could use against her, the only “gotcha” they found was her criticism of judicial nominees who refuse to discuss their views. 

    It’s no longer just the nominee’s writings that matter. Before Kagan was named, ACS Board member Pamela Karlan, of Stanford Law School, was one name bandied about as a potential nominee. But it was easy to go on YouTube and find videos of Karlan, who speaks at numerous events, making sarcastic, biting remarks on nearly every hot-button issue of the day. Though those who see her in person know that her most outrageous statements are meant to be humorous -- Karlan gets more laughs than any other law professor I know -- they are easy fodder for opponents.

    The message for law professors from these examples is clear: if you want to become a judge one day, don’t write too much, write on non-controversial topics, and watch what you say at speaking events. The world is watching.

  • December 8, 2010
    In the long-running debate over the role of the judiciary, which inevitably includes talk of "judicial activism," Stanford Law School Professor Pamela S. Karlan (pictured) says argument should center on finding the right answers to constitutional questions "and the real meaning of fidelity to the most important constitutional principles: liberty, equality, and opportunity for all."

    Judicial activism has been tossed about for ages, and essentially is employed to deride court decisions with which one disagrees, Karlan, the Kenneth Harle Montgomery Professor of Public Interest Law at Stanford, writes in a piece for the Boston Review.

    For example, conservatives have long tarred the Warren Court as activist. But many of the Court's decisions were not aimed at undercutting or invalidating acts of Congress. Instead, as Karlan writes, the Warren Court's opinions were directed at southern states' "adherence to Jim Crow; Connecticut's refusal to allow married couples to use contraceptives; Florida's refusal to provide lawyers to indigent defendants - that departed from a national consensus about constitutional guarantees of liberty and due process."

    And Karlan contrasts the Warren Court's actions with the Roberts Court, "which has struck down more acts of Congress per year than any other Courts in our history. And the most trigger-happy justices have been conservatives."

    Karlan continues:

    The question is not whether federal judges should strike down popularly enacted policies, but when.

    The consequences of bold judicial action can be awful. In Dred Scott, for example, the Court declared that black people could never be considered citizens and struck down Congress's ban on slavery north of the 36th parallel as an unconstitutional denial of slaveholders' property rights. This was one of the lowest points in the Court's history. That said, some of the Court's greatest triumphs involved bold intervention: ‘one person, one vote,' now a bedrock constitutional principle, was judicially imposed on the nation less than 50 years ago by a set of decisions rightly called the Reapportionment Revolution. And some of the Court's greatest mistakes came when it showed timidity. Consider the turn-of-the-century decisions in Plessy v. Ferguson and Giles v. Harris, in which the Court's passivity before, respectively, Louisiana's segregation ordinance and Alabama's disenfranchisement statute gave the green light to Jim Crow laws. To riff on Barry Goldwater, vigor in the protection of constitutional rights is no vice; restraint in the face of constitutional violations is no virtue.

    Karlan is the co-author of Keeping Faith with the Constitution, which provides an accessible examination of methods for interpreting the nation's founding document. During the 2010 ACS National Convention, Karlan discussed the important role courts play in protecting and advancing constitutional values. Video of her comments is available here.

  • September 17, 2010

    The average lifespan of constitutions around the world since 1789 is 17 years, Stanford Law School professor and ACS Board member Pamela Karlan told an audience this week during a debate on constitutional interpretation, in celebration of the U.S. Constitution's 223rd anniversary.

    Our constitution has endured as long as it has because our interpretational methods are adaptable to changes in cultural norms, she explained during the event, which was centered on Keeping Faith with the Constitution, the book she coauthored with Goodwin Liu and Christopher Schroeder. Keeping Faith was first published by ACS last year and republished this summer by Oxford University Press with a new chapter on the First Amendment.

    Debating Karlan was Georgetown University law professor and Federalist Society member Nicholas Quinn Rosenkranz, who challenged Karlan's assertion that present understandings can help us interpret phrases and words in the Constitution.

    "The Constitution was not just made by courts interpreting the Constitution or by people changing the words in the Constitution by amendment, but also by people who gave the Constitution life," Karlan explained.

    Slate Senior Editor Dahlia Lithwick, who moderated the panel, said in re-reading Keeping Faith, she "came away with the stunning, chilling feeling that, man, the Constitution is cool."

    President Barack Obama thinks so, too. In a proclamation declaring Sept. 17, 2010 Constitution Day and Citizenship Day, he said, "In the United States, our Constitution is not simply words written on aging parchment, but a foundation of government, a protector of liberties, and a guarantee that we are all free to shape our own destiny. As we celebrate this document's profound impact on our everyday lives, may all Americans strive to uphold its vision of freedom and justice for all."

    During Constitution Week ACS has continued its tradition of teaching a new generation of students about our founding document through the Constitution in the Classroom program.

    But this year, ACS has also sought to raise the public's awareness about the danger that unfilled judicial vacancies on the federal bench pose to our constitutional form of government. In an op-ed in The Huffington Post, ACS Executive Director Caroline Fredrickson wrote that the critical number of vacancies, and the Senate obstruction that has perpetuated those vacancies, "threatens the vitality of our founding document."

    Karlan also spoke earlier this year about the importance of a robust, qualified and independent judiciary to uphold our Constitution.

    View Karlan's remarks during the 2010 ACS National Convention here, and the Karlan/Rosenkranz debate here.