NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund

  • March 23, 2012

    by Nicole Flatow

    The country lost a civil rights giant, with the passing of president and director-counsel of the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund, John A. Payton. He died suddenly on Thursday at Johns Hopkins University Hospital after a brief illness, The Root reports.

    Payton led LDF in several major Supreme Court victories, including Northwest Austin Municipal Utility District v. Holder, which rejected a challenge to the constitutionality of a core provision of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and Lewis v. City of Chicago, a major employment discrimination victory, according to a statement from LDF.

    The statement adds:

    Widely considered one of the country's most skilled members of the Supreme Court bar, John Payton's enduring legacy will be his commitment to a principle articulated by LDF's founder, Charles Hamilton Houston. "What I am more concerned about," Houston said, "is that the Negro shall not be content simply with demanding an equal share in the existing system. It seems to me that his historical challenge is to make sure that the system [that] shall survive in the United States of America shall be a system which guarantees justice and freedom for everyone."

    LDF's work will go on, in just the way that John would have wanted.

    President Obama said today in a statement:

    Michelle and I were saddened to hear about the passing of our dear friend John Payton. As president and director-counsel of the NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund, John led the organization's involvement in five Supreme Court cases.

    A true champion of equality, he helped protect civil rights in the classroom and at the ballot box. The legal community has lost a legend, and while we mourn John's passing, we will never forget his courage and fierce opposition to discrimination in all its forms.

    Payton was a voice for the civil rights community, and a leading constitutional thinker. During a 2009 American Constitution Society event at the National Press Club on “The Road from Lincoln to Obama,” Payton discussed the importance of shedding our racist history as we move forward with our constitutional jurisprudence.

    “I would say Reconstruction didn’t fail. It was destroyed,” he said.

    He continued:

  • January 12, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Tomiko Brown-Nagin, Munford Boyd Professor of Law, Justice Thurgood Marshall Distinguished Professor of Law, and Professor of History at the University of Virginia. She is the author of Courage to Dissent: Atlanta and the Long History of the Civil Rights Movement.


    Judge Robert L. Carter passed away last week. I had the honor of serving as a law clerk to the judge and found that experience profoundly rewarding. The judge, a brilliant man best known for his role as a chief strategist in Brown v. Board of Education, inspired me and many others. I share memories of my experience with him to shed light on his stupendous legal ability, his character, and his contributions as a mentor who taught invaluable lessons about life and the law. 

    As a NAACP Legal Defense Fund lawyer, Judge Carter litigated Briggs v. Elliott, the South Carolina case consolidated with four others as Brown. We initially bonded over my South Carolina roots: he had a hand in my life’s trajectory, and he knew it. I, in turn, saw in the judge a model of professional success and outstanding moral character. Each day, he made something extraordinary seem ordinary:  the idea that one individual could touch another’s life and radically alter its course. After spending a year in the presence of this great man — a lawyer who faced racial threats and insults merely for practicing his profession — a clerk for Judge Carter could scarcely contemplate disengagement from the world. The judge’s life and work taught social responsibility.

    Over the course of his career as a lawyer, Judge Carter earned a reputation as a man of strong convictions, unyielding principle, and great passion. Carter earned the reputation when, as Thurgood Marshall’s lieutenant, he consistently took the most “radical” view among LDF strategists, and when he resigned as General Counsel of the NAACP to support a colleague’s right to criticize the Warren Court. Yet, the judge, a Nixon appointee, taught me that success in the legal profession requires a clear head, a balanced and context-specific assessment of a problem, and a judicious temperament. He conveyed that passion for one’s work or causes can be productive, only if coupled with strategic thinking and professionalism.

    The judge taught this lesson in chambers on many occasions. In a long-running class action employment discrimination suit he once counseled that it would be counterproductive to coerce compliance with his orders, despite the defendant’s continued resistance to opening job opportunities to the plaintiffs. Sanctions might have been ordered in that case. But the judge had presided over the action for years. Knowing the parties and issues very well, he concluded that it made no sense to force this defendant into submission at that particular moment in time. Judges should neither look for, nor create, confrontations where they can be avoided. A judge might effectively invoke the full force of his powers on some occasions, but on others a thoughtful judge might choose not make a big show of his full powers. Good judging required knowing when to do which. 

    The judge also taught judiciousness through his writings about Brown. Not content to bask in the afterglow of his great achievement, the judge critiqued the legal strategy in Brown. He found a paradox. Brown served the U.S.’s geopolitical interests, and in many ways, propelled race relations forward in this country. But, ironically, in the public schools context, Brown proved a tremendous disappointment. The federal judges charged with articulating rights, and local officials charged with implementing legal remedies, ultimately bear the blame for Brown’s mixed legacy in the schools. However, Judge Carter also found fault with himself and his colleagues. The lawyers, he said, fixated on the constitutional dimensions of Brown, when the case also touched upon critically important matters of educational philosophy and pedagogy. The attorneys did not seriously contemplate, much less adequately define, quality education. That limitation left generations of black students adrift in schools, subject to social experimentation, or worse, educational malpractice.

  • December 12, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    “Vote Fraud” is sweeping the nation, or is “all over the map,” if you believe the Republican National Lawyers Association.

    The recent claim from the RNLA follows a Dec. 5 report by the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund and the NAACP examining a slew of new, rigid restrictions on voting that have been implemented by 14 states. Leaders of both organizations said 25 measures enacted by those states are “designed to restrict or limit ballot access of voters of color, threatening to disfranchise millions of people, a disproportionate number of whom are people of color.”

    Not surprisingly the RNLA, devoted to advancing goals of the Republican Party, took exception with a portion of the report that, “Instances of in-person voter fraud are extraordinarily rare.” So the RNLA purports to have evidence of “vote fraud prosecutions and convictions in 46 states since 2000 ….”

    But Julia Krieger of Media Matters Action Network writes that RNLA’s evidence of so-called voter fraud is wobbly and deceptive. The “grand total of alleged voter fraud cases,” Krieger writes, “listed on RNLA’s website is – drumroll please – 311.”

    “For perspective,” she continues, “the total number of votes cast in the 2004 presidential election alone was 122,295,345. In 2008, that number was 131,313,820

    Krieger, in part, concludes, that “RNLA is dishonestly representing their data when they describe it as ‘in the past decade’: A quick gander at the website’s evidence shows citations going back as far as 1997. Although they claim to have evidence of 46 states with voter fraud prosecutions in the last decade, their website only lists 44 states. For two of those 44, there are only examples from the 1990s up to 2000, bringing the state count down to 42. To be clear, that’s eight states where they identified no instances of voter fraud in the last decade.”

    An ACS symposium earlier this month included a panel discussion on the onerous voting restrictions.

  • February 15, 2011

    As expected, the Senate confirmed two judicial nominees yesterday, bringing the total number confirmed in the new Congress to five, The Hill reports.

    The confirmations are an early sign that an agreement between senators to move noncontroversial business forward without procedural blocks is having some effect. There remain, however, 101 vacant seats subject to Senate confirmation on the federal courts. And federal judges are now retiring at a rate of one per week, The Washington Post reported last week in a front-page story noting that federal judicial vacancies have reached a "crisis point."

    "With 100 vacancies to fill, the Senate should be confirming judges every week as part of its regular business," NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund (LDF) President John Payton said in a statement after the vote. "We expect to see many judicial confirmations this session. Nothing is more important to the administration of our justice system."

    The Senate confirmed Mississippi Supreme Court Justice James Graves by unanimous consent for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. Graves will become the first African American from Mississippi to serve on the Fifth Circuit, a development that LDF Washington Office Director Leslie Proll called a "historic" for the diversity of the federal courts.

    "Today's vote represents a sea change," Proll said after the vote. "James Graves is truly a consensus candidate; he is strongly supported by civil rights organizations and the two Republican Senators from Mississippi, Thad Cochran and Roger Wicker."

    The Senate also voted 93-0 to confirm Santa Clara Superior Court Judge Edward Davila to the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California.

    To learn more about the judicial vacancy crisis and follow developments, visit JudicialNominations.org.

  • June 8, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Dale Ho, Assistant Counsel, NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund, Inc.
    Last week, the NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund, Inc. (LDF) issued a report entitled Captive Constituents: Prison-Based Gerrymandering and the Distortion of Our Democracy.

    As our report explains, "prison-based gerrymandering" is a practice whereby many states and local governments count incarcerated persons as residents of the areas where they are housed when election district lines are drawn. This practice distorts our democratic process by artificially inflating the population count-and thus, the political influence-of the districts where prisons and jails are located. As a result, everyone living outside of those districts suffers a dilution of their voting power.

    The easiest way to understand how prison-based gerrymandering undermines the integrity of our political process is to look at how prisons affect local elections. Most (in)famously, during the 2002 election cycle, the town of Anamosa, Iowa was divided into 4 City Council wards of about 1,370 people each. Ward 2, however, contained a state penitentiary that housed over 1,320 prisoners. Thus Ward 2's actual population was comprised of fewer than 60 non-incarcerated residents.

    Anamosa's districting plan (pictured) therefore granted the approximately 60 constituents of Ward 2 the same level of political representation accorded to over 1,300 people living in each of the other wards. Remarkably, a man was elected to Anamosa's City Council from Ward 2 on the strength of two write-in votes.

    The Anamosa example and others like it across the country make a mockery of the principle of "one person, one vote." Articulated by the Supreme Court in the seminal case Reynolds v. Sims, the one person, one vote principle requires that election districts be comprised of roughly the same number of constituents so that every person receives the same level of representation. As Anamosa illustrates, prison-based gerrymandering contravenes that basic principle of political equality.

    Unfortunately, the Anamosa pattern has been replicated throughout the country, and at all levels of government - from school boards to city councils to statewide legislatures. It is a problem that is not limited to any particular region, and that distorts democracy for both rural and urban communities alike.

    Undoubtedly, however, the communities that are the most thoroughly victimized by prison-based gerrymandering are urban communities of color-a result of the racial discrimination that infects our nation's criminal justice policies.