minimum coverage provision

  • April 16, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Plenty of legal scholars and others have been unmoved by the primary argument leveled against the Affordable Care Act, the broccoli argument, and justifiably so.

    But after oral argument in HHS v. Florida, where Supreme Court Justices Antonin Scalia and Samuel Alito appeared to embrace the simplicity of the argument – if Congress can make you purchase health care insurance, there will be no limiting principle on congressional power and it will soon mandate us all to buy broccoli – expressions of astonishment and concern abound.

    In a piece for The Atlantic, Harvard Law School Professor Einer Elhauge details why the broccoli argument is not only wobbly, but dangerously flawed.

    Scalia cited the the broccoli concern during oral argument when demanding the government’s lawyer to articulate a limiting principle on Congress’s power to regulate commerce among the states.  

    Elhauge notes first that the limiting principle has already been articulated the Supreme Court as follows: “a federal law must (1) involve economic regulation (2) that addresses a national problem (3) that affects interstate commerce.”  

    Walter Dellinger, former Solicitor General, articulated a limiting principle slightly differently during an ACS briefing on oral argument, saying “the power to regulate commerce among the states extends to regulation of those purchases, which are inevitable, of goods and services, which will be provided to the individual even if they have made no arrangements to pay for them, where the cost will be shifted to others in a way that undermines an undoubtedly constitutional regulatory scheme.”

    It’s the limiting principle already adopted by the Supreme Court through other cases that the challenges are itching to change, Elhauge says. (In an ACS Issue Brief, Simon Lazarus explains the radical nature of the challengers’ agenda to topple health care reform.)

    “They want the justices to read into the Commerce Clause a new limiting principle, one that bars laws mandating the purchase of any product,” Elhauge writes. “But however attractive that kind of new limiting principle might seem, it cannot be inserted into the Constitution by judicial fiat when it lacks support in constitutional text, history, or precedent.”

  • April 5, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    President Obama’s warning that the Supreme Court should avoid destroying health care reform has not only irked a federal appeals court judge, but has spurred Republican leaders in the Senate to rush to the defense of the lifetime-appointed justices.

    Responding to a reporter’s question about oral arguments in HHS v. Florida, where Justice Antonin Scalia embraced the simplistic broccoli argument, Obama said the high court would be ignoring precedent if it were to invalidate or greatly hobble the Affordable Care Act. The president noted that Supreme Court precedent holds that Congress has broad power to regulate commerce and to tax and spend for the general welfare. “That’s not just my opinion, by the way,” Obama said. “That’s the opinion of legal experts across the ideological spectrum, including two very conservative appellate court justices who said this wasn’t even a close call.” (Obama was referring to appeals court Judges Laurence Silberman and Jeffrey Sutton, who ruled that the health care law’s integral measure -- the minimum coverage provision -- was a valid exercise of Congress’ power to regulate interstate commerce.)

    As TPM reported, the president’s defense of the health care law apparently prompted Judge Jerry Smith of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit presiding in a challenge to a part of the Affordable Care Act to demand that Attorney General Eric Holder submit a letter to the appeals court stating the administration’s understanding of judicial review.

    Holder responded in a letter to the appeals court judges in Physician Hospitals of America v. Sebelius that the DOJ “has not in this litigation, nor in any other litigation of which I am aware, ever asked this or any other Court to reconsider or limit long-established precedent concerning judicial review of the constitutionality of federal legislation.”

    Holder noted that the question of judicial review was resolved in the 1803 case of Marbury v. Madison.

    The attorney general also reminded the Fifth Circuit judges that judicial review was not an issue in the case before them.

  • April 4, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The right-wing challengers of the Affordable Care Act have spent more than a year honing the broccoli argument – if the federal government can require people to buy health care insurance then our fragile liberty will crumble because the monstrous federal government will order us all to buy broccoli, gym memberships and, well, who knows what else.

    Last week’s oral argument in HHS v. Florida revealed that the broccoli argument is seemingly being taken seriously by more than just libertarian law professors, such as Georgetown’s Randy Barnett. Justice Antonin Scalia aped right-wing talking points when he pelted Solicitor General Donald Verrilli’s defense of the ACA’s minimum coverage provision, which will require some people to carry a minimum amount of health care insurance starting in 2014, with the, ‘oh hell-broccoli-is-next,’ argument.

    But former Mich. Gov. Jennifer Granholm (pictured) hopes the Supreme Court’s conservative justices can get up-to-speed on how the health insurance market works, and consider how invalidating the landmark law will impact the lives of tens of millions of Americans who do not have the luxuries the high court justices enjoy. 

    Granholm’s hope, however, may likely be too much of a stretch, especially for a conservative majority that found a way to run roughshod over longstanding precedent in Citizens United v. FEC, giving corporations unfettered ability to influence campaigns.  

    Granholm, a speaker at the 2009 ACS National Convention, writing for Politico focuses on her hairdresser, Carmelita, who explained to Granholm that she already participates in the health care insurance market, albeit in a manner that leaves her wishing she could afford health care insurance.

    Carmelita’s employers do not provide health care insurance, and she can’t afford to purchase coverage. “It’s just too expensive,” she said. “No way I can afford it.”

    But if she could afford it, she would gladly purchase it, because she’s still “paying off a $3,000 health care bill from last year when I had walking pneumonia and finally went to see the doctor. They ordered an X-ray of my chest, and my life hasn’t been the same since, trying to pay that medical bill. Of course, I’d have health insurance if I could afford it! Anybody would.”

  • April 2, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    A Supreme Court opinion striking health care reform would be indefensible and widely perceived as political said former Solicitor General Walter Dellinger at a recent ACS briefing on last week’s oral arguments in HHS v. Florida.

    Dellinger’s sentiment is echoed in an editorial from The New York Times, which said the oral arguments in the health care reform case should put to rest the widely held belief that “legal conservatives are dedicated to judicial restraint ….” For the Roberts Court, The Times continued, has proven to be a judicial entity ready to “replace law made by Congress with law made by justices.”

    The Times’ editorial continued, “Established precedents support broad authority for Congress to regulate national commerce, and the health care market is unquestionably national in scope. Yet to Justice Kennedy the mandate requiring most Americans to obtain health insurance represents ‘a step beyond what our cases have allowed, the affirmative duty to act, to go into commerce.’ To Justice Breyer, it’s clear that ‘if there are substantial effects on interstate commerce, Congress can act.’”

    President Obama fielding questions from reporters following a news conference with Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Mexican President Felipe Calderon, issued concern about a high court opinion invalidating the Affordable Care Act, Politico reported.

    “I just remind conservative commentators that for years we’ve heard that the biggest problem is judicial activism or a lack of judicial restraint,” Obama said. “That a group of people would somehow overturn a duly constituted and passed law. Well, this a good example. And I’m pretty confident that this court will recognize that and not take that step.”

    The president said his confidence was based on “precedent out there. That’s not just my opinion, by the way. That’s the opinion of legal experts across the ideological spectrum, including two very conservative appellate court justices who said this wasn’t even a close call.”

  • March 30, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Steven D. Schwinn, Associate Professor of Law, The John Marshall Law School. This post is part of an ACSblog online symposium on oral argument in HHS v. Florida.

    At one point in our history, about a hundred years ago, the Supreme Court measured congressional authority and its limits based on formal categories.  For example, the Court said that Congress had authority to regulate “commerce,” but not “manufacturing.”  It said that Congress had authority to regulate matters with a “direct” effect on commerce, but not those that had an “indirect” effect.  And it ruled that Congress could regulate matters of “national” concern, but not those of “local” concern.
     
    These formal categories had no support in the text, history, practice, or precedent of the Constitution.  Yet an activist Court created and used them to flex its muscle to sharply curtail congressional authority based only on its own ideological views about government power and state sovereignty.  This cramped, formalistic, and ideologically-driven jurisprudence predictably failed, and we happily put it to rest in 1937. 
     
    But the ACA litigation now threatens to resurrect it.
     
    The states’ case against the minimum coverage provision depends on a formalistic approach that takes us right back to the rejected jurisprudence of the early twentieth century.  For example, the states argued that the minimum coverage provision exceeds congressional authority because it is a “requirement,” not a “regulation.”  They said that provision goes beyond congressional Commerce Clause authority because it regulates “inactivity,” not economic “activity.”  And they argued that it exceeds the commerce authority because it regulates before an individual enters the market, not “at the point of” market entry.  Justice Kagan highlighted this problem in Tuesday’s argument, but the states’ claims seemed to gain at least some traction with as many as five of the Justices, presaging a potential move back to the discredited jurisprudence of the past.