Michael Mukasey

  • December 15, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    Former George W. Bush attorneys general Michael Mukasey and Alberto Gonzales are expressing alarm over Republican presidential primary candidate Newt Gingrich’s latest proposal to eviscerate the power of the courts, Fox News reports.

    Mukasey calls some of the ideas in Gingrich’s position paper “dangerous, ridiculous, totally irresponsible, outrageous, off-the-wall and would reduce the entire judicial system to a spectacle," and Gonzales takes particular aim at the suggestion that Congress subpoena judges after controversial rulings, saying, “I cannot support and would not support efforts that would appear to be intimidation or retaliation against judges." 

    In his 28-page paper, "Bringing the Courts Back Under the Constitution," Gingrich suggests a number of radical ways in which the legislative and executive branches should rein in “lawless judges,” including by eliminating courts they don’t like, limiting the scope of decisions those courts can make, and simply ignoring Supreme Court decisions.

    On Gingrich’s suggestion that the entire U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit be eliminated, Mukasey says, “The fact is the Constitution empowers the Supreme Court to establish lower federal courts. Presumably it can undo lower federal courts. But to say that you are going to undo an entire court -- simply because you don't like some of their decisions -- when there are thousands of cases before that court is totally irresponsible."

    Mukasey and Gonzales echo the concerns of several other commentators, who have expressed particular alarm over Gingrich’s attack on the landmark decision Cooper v. Aaron, in which all nine members of the Supreme Court affirmed a court order calling for desegregation. 

    “If he had his way, a Supreme Court that ordered an end to racist segregation policies would become a puppet of the political branches,” The New York Times editorial board asserts.

    In her New York Times Opinionator column, American Constitution Society Board Member Linda Greenhouse calls “truly head-spinning” the “tenuous hold that this screed, from a onetime history professor, has on American history.”  She continues:

  • January 11, 2011
    The federal law that prohibits "material support" of groups that the State Department labels terrorist organizations has been upheld against constitutional challenges by the Supreme Court and defended by former Attorney General Michael Mukasey and other conservative politicos, such as Rudolph Giuliani and Tom Ridge.

    But when constitutional law expert David Cole recently pointed out in an op-ed for The New York Times that Mukasey, Giuliani, Ridge and Frances Townsend, a former Homeland Security adviser to President George W. Bush, may have ran afoul of the law when then they spoke at an event supporting the Mujahedin e Khalq (MEK), which has long been designated a terrorist group by the federal government, they collectively took to the National Review's blog to reiterate their commitment to the material support law, and mount a defense of their actions on behalf of MEK.

    In their NRO blog post, Mukasey, Ridge, Giuliani, and Frances essentially argue that MEK had been improperly placed and kept on the government list of terrorist organizations. "MEK, which opposes the current regime in Tehran and has provided valuable intelligence to the United States in Iranian nuclear plans, was placed on the State Department list during the Clinton administration as a purported goodwill gesture to the mullahs, in aid of furthering dialogue. Regrettably, it was kept on during the administration of George W. Bush, in part out of fear that Iran would provide IEDs to our enemies in Iraq, which of course the mullahs are doing anyway."

    But in a piece for The Huffington Post, Cole, a law professor at Georgetown, notes the flimsy nature of the group's defense.

    Cole writes:

    Their objections to the MEK's designation might well be justified (I take no position on that issue in the original op-ed, nor here). But the material support statute expressly provides that one cannot defend one's support of a designated group by challenging the propriety of the designation in court. Indeed, ironically enough, the Justice Department under President George W. Bush successfully defended that provision against an alleged supporter o the MEK who south to challenge the group's designation in her defense. (The decision is United States v. Afshari, 427 F. 3d 646 (9 th Cir. 2005).

    ...

    As I argued in my original op-ed, I believe Mukasey and his compatriots have every right to advocate as they did. But according to the positions Mukasey's own Justice Department advanced, his actions were criminal - and he cannot plead the MEK's wrongful designation as a defense. The law needs to be changed. The problem is not just with a single erroneous designation, but with a statute that turns speech advocating only lawful activity into a terrorist crime.

  • September 4, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Shahid Buttar, Executive Director, Bill of Rights Defense Committee (BORDC) & Amy Ferrer, Associate Director, BORDC

    Government surveillance of First Amendment-protected speech and political activism unfortunately boasts a long and sordid history in the United States. Well before its resurgence under the Bush administration-and unfortunate continuation under the current administration-a pattern of political surveillance and infiltration has periodically recurred across multiple periods in American history, and by a variety of institutional actors.

    The politically motivated "Palmer Raids" of 1919-1921 by the Department of Justice and Immigration and Naturalization Service targeted left-wing activist. The disruption and character assassination activities of the FBI's infamous Counter-Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO) targeted civil rights and other progressive groups from 1956-1971. And more recently, state & federal authorities have monitored and infiltrated peace, environmental and civil rights groups around the country. These investigative methods deeply threaten constitutional rights and should raise alarms, especially if they reflect systemic bias rather than isolated abuses.

    Soon after the 9/11 attacks, then-Attorney General John Ashcroft authorized the FBI to dramatically expand its domestic surveillance activities. He expanded that authority again in 2003, and former Attorney General Michael Mukasey followed suit with further expansions in December, 2008. Ostensibly crafted to enhance counterterrorism efforts, the resulting surveillance came to serve political purposes: in at least several cases, it was directed against activist groups and individuals advancing goals opposed to those of the Bush administration.

  • August 24, 2009

    Today, the CIA released this report by the agency's Inspector General. The Washington Independent reports that the just-unclassified document, which remains heavily redacted, "was so charged within the agency that former CIA Director Michael Hayden clashed with [Inspector General John] Helgerson over the inspector general's independence and investigative authority."

    While a statement from CIA Director Leon Panetta says that "[i]n many ways, this is an old story," the report's revelations include the following: 

    • 1. The report states, "One of the psychologists/interrogators acknowledged that the Agency's use of the technique differed from that used in SERE [Survival Evasion Resistance Escape] training and explained that the Agency's technique is different because it is 'for real' and is more poignant and convincing."
    • 2. Also, the CIA failed to disclose accurate medical information to the Justice Department when requesting permission to waterboard detainees. Rather, they provided medical information relevant to waterboarding as performed during SERE trainings which, as mentioned above, was less "poignant and convincing" than the method employed by the CIA.
    • 3. While the report expressly implicates Justice Department attorneys who gave oral permission for torture to CIA officials, it appears that this permission was only granted after several uses of the "extreme interrogation techniques."
    • 4. In what the report calls the "most significant" incident, one debriefer acted without authorization, using an unloaded handgun and a drill to coerce a detainee.