Medicaid

  • July 25, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Right-wing activists and pundits are quick to bemoan discussion of the nation’s growing poverty, blasting discussion of economic inequality and poverty as an effort to stoke class warfare. It’s a refrain we’ve heard for decades.

    But studies, by the Census Bureau and others, show that not only is economic inequality real and festering, but poverty is growing, while the middle class shrinks.

    The Associated Press reported earlier this week that the “ranks of America’s poor are on track to climb to levels unseen in nearly half a century, erasing gains from the war on poverty in the 1960s amid a weak economy and a fraying government safety net.”

    The nation’s social safety net has been diminished by a Republican Party that has grown beholden to the superrich, and is devoted to the proposition as Tim Dickinson wrote for Rolling Stone that “the wealthy should grow wealthier still, whatever the consequences for the rest of us.”

    Of course moderate Democrats have also played a significant role in shredding the social safety net. The 1996 so-called welfare reform act took a major swipe at the social safety net.

    The AP surveying “more than a dozen economists, think tanks and academics,” found a “broad consensus that the “official poverty rate will rise from 15.1 percent in 2010, climbing as high as 15.7 percent. That level of poverty, the AP continued, will represent the highest level since 1965.

    In his new book So Rich, So Poor, Peter Edelman, a law professor at Georgetown University Law Center, laments the nation’s worn social safety net, writing that “the bottom has dropped out” of it. He said repairing the tattered social safety net is one of the most urgent challenges facing the country.

    Talking to the AP, Edelman (pictured), also chair of the ACS Board, said the challenges go beyond the weakened social safety net, noting the “deep problems in the economy.”

  • June 28, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Chief Justice John Roberts saved the nation’s top court from going over a cliff, barely. While a majority of the justices found the Affordable Care Act constitutional, they did so largely on Congress’s power to “lay and collect” taxes.

    The Court’s majority opinion, however, found that the minimum coverage provision was not a regulation of commerce. The majority opinion also held that Congress can expand Medicaid coverage, but that it “is not free” to “penalize states that choose not to participate in that new program by taking away their existing Medicaid funding."

    ACS President Caroline Fredrickson praised the decision, saying:

    The U.S. Constitution and the American people won an important victory before the nation’s high court today. The Supreme Court wisely resolved the health care case, despite all the political posturing on the right. Chief Justice Roberts’ majority opinion for the Supreme Court, upholding the Affordable Care Act’s integral ‘minimum coverage’ provision, has allowed for progress providing health care for tens of millions of Americans. It remains to be seen what the impact will be of Chief Justice Roberts’ understanding of the difference between ‘activity’ and ‘inactivity’ under the Commerce Clause.

    The Obama administration argued that the ACA’s integral provision, the minimum coverage provision, which requires some Americans to purchase health care coverage starting in 2014 or pay penalty on their income tax filings, was valid under the Constitution’s commerce clause and the constitutional power of Congress to tax and spend.

  • March 21, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Sergio Eduardo Muñoz, Senior Policy Analyst, Health Policy Project, Office of Research, Advocacy, and Legislation, National Council of La Raza. This piece is cross-posted at NCLR Blog.


    Earlier this month, a curious thing happened in Texas. Despite repeated federal warnings, Texas enacted state rules that gutted its Women’s Health Program (WHP), a successful state program for low-income health care. Because this state action defunds almost half of the program’s health clinics solely due to their affiliation with Planned Parenthood, the Obama administration advised Texas that the move violated patient choice under federal law. Texas went ahead anyway, despite the ensuing loss of federal dollars as a consequence for noncompliance, and now over 130,000 low-income Texans will be without vital preventive services.

    What didn’t happen?  Texas didn’t drop its vendetta against essential women’s health providers, choosing instead to come between some of the state’s most vulnerable people and preventive care. What else didn’t happen?  Texas, currently arguing before the Supreme Court that it is a victim of Medicaid coercion under the Affordable Care Act (ACA), was not coerced to maintain its WHP. A program that is—you guessed it—funded by Medicaid.

    Last week’s final reply brief filed by the states in the ACA cases has a quick explanation for the contradiction. According to the states, the Medicaid expansion under the ACA is unique, the coercion is unique, the challenge is unique, and the ultimate Supreme Court decision will accordingly be unique as well. Nothing to see over there in uncoerced Texas, and don’t worry about setting bad precedent either. A convenient assurance about a case that clearly could have sweeping consequences for many more federal laws enacted under spending powers, but one of cold comfort in light of the boldness of the actual challenge and the ineffectiveness of similar attempts at damage control. Furthermore, it’s curious that these state litigants, who were previously so concerned about the lack of a limiting principle on the federal government’s powers to regulate commerce and spend in the general welfare, now introduce an argument challenging the Medicaid expansion that itself has no limiting principle.

  • February 23, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Rochelle Bobroff, Directing Attorney, Herbert Semmel Federal Rights Project, National Senior Citizens Law Center


    The Supreme Court’s 5-4 decision in Douglas v. Independent Living Center, a case challenging California’s cuts in Medicaid reimbursement rates, can be summed up by the movie title: The Good, The Bad, and the Ugly.  The Good is the majority’s holding that refuses to deny court access to low-income Medicaid beneficiaries who had difficulty obtaining medications and other services when California slashed rates in violation of federal law.  The Bad is the narrowness of the court’s decision, which is limited to simple instructions to the lower court on remand.  And the Ugly is the dissent seeking to slam the courthouse doors on the poor.

    The plot (or facts) in this case bears no resemblance to the movie.  When California slashed Medicaid provider rates to save money, ignoring the impact on beneficiary access to care, providers and beneficiaries sued the state.  Federal Medicaid law requires states to ensure adequate access to care.  So, the state laws cutting reimbursement rates conflicted with federal law.  The suit alleged that the state rate cut statute was “preempted” under the Supremacy Clause of the Constitution by the contrary federal law.  Businesses routinely bring preemption challenges to state laws that allegedly conflict with federal law. 

    The state tried to get the case thrown out of court, arguing that beneficiaries could not bring a preemption suit to enforce the Medicaid statute.  But the Ninth Circuit, relying on over a century of Supreme Court cases permitting preemption cases to go forward, held that poor people have the same right to bring preemption challenges as businesses, and let the case proceed.  All other Circuits to consider whether preemption is available in these circumstances were in agreement. 

  • December 9, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    A recent opinion from the California Supreme Court regarding a county’s effort to reduce costs by forcing older workers out of the health insurance risk pool provides a prime example of the vital importance the individual mandate is to the Affordable Care Act, Catherine Fisk, a distinguished law professor, writes for the Daily Journal.

    Fisk, the Chancellor’s Professor of Law at the University of California, Irvine School of Law, explores the California high court’s rejection of “Orange County’s attempt to exclude retired workers from the county’s health insurance risk pool,” which she says was proven to be “both unconstitutional and unwise.”

    As Fisk explains, Orange County officials in an effort to address budgetary matters “unilaterally changed the way it pools employees for purposes of setting health insurance premiums.” Essentially county officials forced retired employees to pay higher health insurance premiums. The state’s high court sent the case back to a trial court to hear retired employees’ argument that county officials had violated a contractual agreement by altering its health insurance benefits.

    Fisk writes:

    This decision shows that Orange County went about controlling its health insurance costs in exactly the wrong way, by attempting to separate those who are more expensive to insure from everyone else. For health insurance to remain affordable to everyone, especially older people or people with catastrophic illnesses or injuries, the risk pool on which the insurance premiums are based must remain diverse. Insurance is all about spreading risk. Healthy people subsidize health insurance for the unhealthy; experienced drivers subsidize auto insurance for younger drivers.