McDonald v. Chicago

  • June 29, 2010
    Debate is building over the fate of gun control regulation following the Supreme Court's decision that the Second Amendment applies to state and local laws.

    Reporting for National Public Radio (NPR), Nina Totenberg noted that many on both sides of the debate were looking at the opinion (pdf) in McDonald v. Chicago and finding little guidance.

    Totenberg noted that even the National Rifle Association "conceded that the court had provided little guidance for the lower courts to use in evaluating which regulations are permissible and which are not." As Adam Liptak reported in The New York Times the McDonald majority "said little more than that there is a right to keep handguns in the home for self defense. Indeed, over the course of 200 pages of opinions, the court did not even decide the constitutionality of the two gun control laws at issue in the case, from Chicago and Oak Park, Ill.

    Both Totenberg and Liptak note that McDonald is therefore likely to prompt plenty of litigation, and the McDonald majority conceded that its decision might spur "extensive and costly litigation."

    Herb Titus, counsel for Gun Owners of America and former dean of TV minister Pat Robertson's Regent University and attorney for former Alabama Supreme Court Justice Roy Moore, told NPR that he sees litigation challenging regulations on age of gun ownership and registration.

    But first in the pipeline, he says, will be challenges to laws banning guns for those convicted of domestic violence misdemeanors.

    Several mayors, however, are signaling that they are ready to find ways to enforce gun control regulations.

    In a press statement, New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg said, "I will continue to collaborate with mayors across the country to pursue common-sense, constitutional approaches to protecting public safety."

     

  • June 28, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Adam Winkler, a constitutional law professor at UCLA School of Law. You can follow him on Twitter @adamwinkler.
    Today's decision in McDonald v. Chicago marks a major change in constitutional doctrine but one that will likely have only a minimal effect on gun control. For the first time, the Supreme Court held that the Second Amendment serves as a limit on what regulation state and local governments can impose on the right of individuals to have guns. Two years ago, in District of Columbia v. Heller, the Court ruled that the Second Amendment guaranteed an individual right to keep and bear arms unrelated to militia service. But that decision only applied to federal laws. Now the Second Amendment, like most provisions of the Bill of Rights, applies to all governmental entities in the United States.

    From the perspective of gun rights, however, that isn't as big a change as it may seem at first. Forty-two states already guarantee individuals the right to have guns in their state constitutions. McDonald extends that right to the remaining eight outliers. None of those eight states, however, ever tried to completely ban gun ownership and qualified individuals can lawfully obtain guns in every one. The Second Amendment now applies more broadly, but gun rights more generally were secure long before this decision.

    McDonald could still have a significant effect on gun control if the law of the Second Amendment were radically different from the state constitutional law doctrines relating to the right to keep and bear arms. So far, however, the two regimes are mostly the same. As I have shown elsewhere, under state law, courts tend to judge the constitutionality of gun control under a relatively deferential standard of review. Known as the "reasonable relationship" test-which is not the same as rational basis review-this standard is uniformly used in state after state, and has been for over a century. There have been hundreds of state cases applying this standard to challenged gun laws, the vast majority of which have survived.

    To date, the Second Amendment hasn't led to radically different outcomes. Since Heller, there have been approximately two hundred federal court decisions on the constitutionality of gun control under the Second Amendment. Nearly every challenged gun law has survived. Formally, the Supreme Court has not adopted the reasonable regulation standard universally used in the states. But practically, the results have been the same. Other than a complete ban on handguns-which, apart from Chicago and its suburbs, no state or city has-gun control remains constitutionality permissible.

    To be sure, McDonald will lead to a flood of lawsuits challenging every sort of gun control. And some laws, like New York City's extreme and discriminatory permitting scheme and California's refusal to approve certain guns designed for left-handed shooters, could be invalidated in the months and years to come. But if the scores of federal court decisions under Heller are any indication, the primary hurdle for gun control advocates will remain in the legislatures, not the courts.

  • March 5, 2010
    Guest Post

    By David H. Gans, Director of the Human Rights, Civil Rights, and Citizenship Program at the Constitutional Accountability Center. He is the lead author of the report, The Gem of the Constitution: the Text and History of the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, and co-author of CAC's brief in McDonald. This article is cross-posted at CAC's blog, Text & History.

    On Tuesday, the Supreme Court heard oral argument in McDonald v. City of Chicago, which raises the question whether the Second Amendment's guarantee of a right to bear arms applies to states and local governments. Going into argument, incorporation of the Second Amendment right seemed a given - after all, states already have to obey virtually every right in the Bill of Rights. The critical question was whether the Court would breathe new life into the Privileges or Immunities Clause, and honor the part of the Fourteenth Amendment's text that clearly protects substantive fundamental rights from state infringement.

    The Privileges or Immunities Clause was intended to be the centerpiece of the Fourteenth Amendment, but it was written out of the Constitution by the Supreme Court in the 1873 Slaughter-House Cases. The decision has been regarded as one of the worst in the Court's history, and roundly condemned by the Amendment's framers in the 1870s, Justice Harlan in the early 20th century, and Justice Black in the 1940s. The overwhelming consensus among scholars across the ideological spectrum - reflected in a law professors' brief filed by CAC in McDonald - is that Slaughter-House obliterated the text and history of the Clause through a profoundly incorrect interpretation of the Constitution.

    Unfortunately, the Privileges or Immunities Clause received a chilly reception from the Court on Tuesday, especially from those Justices who most profess to take the Constitution's text and history seriously. Justice Scalia belittled the Clause, accusing Alan Gura, McDonald's attorney, of "bucking for some place on some law school faculty" by advancing an argument that was "the darling of the professoriate." Scalia, supposedly the Court's chief originalist, wouldn't even consider the merits of the argument. Chief Justice Roberts, too, refused to follow the Constitution's text and history where it leads. He explicitly worried that the Privileges or Immunities Clause would allow for broad protections of substantive liberty; he preferred to rely on the Due Process Clause, since that text is about process, and does not easily lend itself to protecting substantive fundamental rights. While Roberts and Scalia were content to rely on substantive due process to protect gun rights, they seemed to want to reserve the opportunity to bash the doctrine in future cases involving rights they don't recognize. Other Justices were less overtly hostile, but none seemed willing to revive the Clause.

    In light of its reception at the Court, was Gura too bold?

  • March 4, 2010

    By Adam Winkler, Professor of Law, UCLA School of Law. Professor Winkler signed an amicus brief filed in McDonald v. City of Chicago supporting incorporation through the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

    [Part I of "Supersizing the Second Amendment?" is available here.]

    So why do I still say that gun control advocates are also seemed to be big winners?

    Because the Justices seemed to think that, regardless of incorporation, state and local governments would retain wide leeway to enact gun control. The only words used as much as "fundamental" and "implicit in ordered liberty" in the argument were "reasonable regulation."

    Numerous Justices expressed their support for the idea that the Second Amendment did not prohibit reasonable regulation of firearms. Justice Kennedy said that lawmakers still "have substantial latitude and ample authority to impose reasonable regulations." Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg said that she "thought that Heller allowed for reasonable regulation." Justice Scalia didn't use that catchphrase, but went out of his way to say that Heller "was very careful not to impose" severe limits on the federal government "precisely because it realized that" gun violence "is a national problem."

    There are two ways to think about "reasonable regulation." The first is what I've long endorsed: the Second Amendment should be governed by the formal "reasonable regulation" standard uniformly used in state constitutional law. Forty-two states have constitutional protections for the individual right to bear arms and all of them apply a deferential standard by this name. Under that test, any regulation will be allowed to stand so long as it doesn't effectively destroy or nullify the individual's right to have a gun for self-defense. Some types of weapons can be banned so long as individuals have access to others. Applying this test, almost all gun control survives.

  • March 3, 2010

    By Adam Winkler, Professor of Law, UCLA School of Law. Professor Winkler signed an amicus brief filed in McDonald v. City of Chicago supporting incorporation through the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

    Yesterday, the Supreme Court heard oral argument in the latest big gun case, McDonald v. City of Chicago. The Court will decide whether the individual right to keep and bear arms recognized in 2008's D.C. v. Heller extends to the states. I was at oral argument and there seemed to be two big winners: gun rights advocates and gun control advocates.

    The gun rights folks, like the NRA, seemed poised to win the case. Of the five Justices who voted with the majority in Heller, all appeared to be inclined to hold that the right to bear arms is a "fundamental" right such that it applies to state laws. (Well, not all of the five: Justice Clarence Thomas said nothing, extending his streak of silent oral arguments that dates back to 2006.)

    Just like in the Heller oral argument, Justice Anthony Kennedy, the swing vote, showed his cards. "If [the right to bear arms is] not fundamental, then Heller is wrong, it seems to me." Chief Justice John Roberts said, "I don't see how you can read Heller and not take away from it the notion that the Second Amendment, whether you want to label it fundamental or not, was extremely important to the framers in their view of what liberty meant."

    As Paul Clement, representing the NRA said, the question of whether the right to bear arms was fundamental or not was "remarkably straightforward." The fact that Clement was there at all was a surprise. The NRA was not formally a party to the suit. More striking still was that Clement was representing the NRA. After Clement, then serving as Solicitor General, filed a brief in Heller suggesting that D.C.'s handgun ban might be constitutional, gun rights activists branded him a traitor. Now he is their lawyer.