Martin Luther King Jr.

  • September 16, 2011

    by Nicole Flatow

    Supporting the U.S. Constitution “requires more than chanting slogans at a political rally,” Rep. Bruce I. Braley said in a statement recognizing Constitution Day.

    Emphasizing the document’s critical significance to American democracy, Braley urged those who wish to understand the Constitution to review “the whole document and what it means to our country,” rather than “just the portions that fit neatly with your personal political philosophy.”

    In a second statement on the House floor, Rep. Steve Cohen linked the Constitution’s rights and principles to critical moments in our history.

    “When I think of the Constitution, I think of Dr. Martin Luther King and the right to peacefully assemble, which is enshrined in the First Amendment,” he said. “That meant he could go to Selma, he could come to Washington and fight for civil rights and secure those rights for the people of this nation. I also think of women’s rights embodied in the Nineteenth Amendment when women were given the right to vote.”

    Tomorrow is the 224th anniversary of the U.S. Constitution, but many are observing the Constitution Day holiday today.

    During Constitution Week, ACS has continued its tradition of teaching a new generation of students about our founding document through the Constitution in the Classroom program.

    But this year, ACS has also launched a series of webinars geared toward adults, “What the Constitution Means and How to Interpret It.” The second webinar in the series will feature University of North Carolina law professor Bill Marshall, discussing the ACS Issue Brief released this week, The Framers' Constitution: Toward a Theory of Principled Constitutionalism.

    For more Constitution Week reading, see ACSblog’s Constitution Week Symposium, and two columns by ACS Executive Director Caroline Fredrickson, one in The Tennessean and another in The Huffington Post.

  • September 1, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog symposium in honor of the unveiling of the Martin Luther King Jr. National Memorial. The author, Lucas Guttentag, teaches at Yale Law School, where he is Robina Foundation Distinguished Senior Fellow and Senior Research Scholar.  He also serves as senior counsel to the Immigrants’ Rights Project of the American Civil Liberties Union Foundation, and was the project’s founding director until 2011.  


    More than fifty years ago Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. heroically battled segregation and built a coalition of conscience to change our society and its laws. Today, a new struggle is being fought in many of the same places. Arizona, which famously refused to recognize Martin Luther King Day as a holiday, and Alabama, home of the Selma march and Dr. King’s “Letters from a Birmingham Jail,” today defend the most punitive anti-immigrant state laws in the country. 

    Under the banner of regulating immigration, these laws would institute a new system of discrimination.  They would encourage – if not compel – racial and ethnic profiling, prohibit offering transportation and housing to undocumented immigrants, impose state punishment for immigration-registration violations, and – under the Alabama law – require  schools to conduct immigration checks on students and their parents in a transparent attempt to deny children their constitutional right to public education. This virtual barricading of Alabama’s public schools by state officials is a grim reminder of earlier refusals to provide equal education for all.

    It is telling – and deserves high praise – that the Obama Justice Department has joined Alabama’s religious leaders and a coalition of civil rights groups in suing to stop the Alabama law as it did the earlier Arizona SB1070 statute.

    To be sure, immigration is a complex subject. But falling prey to superficial responses that exacerbate discrimination, target all who look or sound “foreign,” and cater to those who fear changing demographics or new immigrants is not the answer. Though sadly, it is nothing new and as much a part of our history as the glorious Statue of Liberty. For example, earlier hostility against Chinese immigrants in California led to racist state and local laws, including the infamous San Francisco anti-Chinese laundry ordinance that was struck down by the Supreme Court in 1886.

    But easily overlooked in the current controversy over state anti-immigrant laws is the even more fundamental fact that federal immigration laws and practices routinely deny basic constitutional protections to non-citizens in a system of mass arrest, detention and deportation. 

  • August 26, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog symposium in honor of the unveiling of the Martin Luther King Jr. National Memorial. The author, Ali Noorani, is executive director of the National Immigration Forum.


    On September 22, 1966, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. sent a telegram to Cesar Chavez, leader of the United Farm Workers (UFW).

    For Dr. King, it was the height of the civil rights movement and a month before his death. For Chavez, it was the ascendancy of the UFW as they fought to secure collective bargaining agreements for farm workers in the grape fields of California.

    The telegram read:

    As brothers in the fight for equality, I extend the hand of fellowship and good will and wish continuing success to you and your members. The fight for equality must be fought on many fronts – in the urban slums, in the sweat shops of the factories and fields. Our separate struggles are really one – a struggle for freedom, for dignity, and for humanity. You and your valiant fellow workers have demonstrated your commitment to righting grievous wrongs forced upon exploited people. We are together with you in spirit and in determination that our dreams for a better tomorrow will be realized.

    Dr. King’s lessons ring true to this day as all of us continue to fight for equality. 

    The immigration movement’s path to justice requires hands of fellowship from the most unlikely of places. For the rights of immigrants, powerful hands of fellowship have come from conservative Christian leaders and law enforcement. 

  • August 26, 2011
    Guest Post

    This post is part of an ACSblog symposium in honor of the unveiling of the Martin Luther King Jr. National Memorial. The author, Theodore M. Shaw, is of counsel at Fulbright & Jaworski, a professor at Columbia Law School, and an American Constitution Society Board Member. He was director-counsel and president of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund between 2004 and 2008.


    On August 28, 2011, forty-eight years to the day Martin Luther King, Jr. delivered from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial his famed speech known for its “I have a dream” refrain, Americans are honoring him with a statue on the National Mall. Already honored with a national holiday, King will be forever enshrined with Washington, Jefferson, and Lincoln on some of our nation’s most hallowed ground. This high honor is a special point of pride for black Americans, given Dr. King’s role in the Civil Rights Movement of the fifties and sixties, and his stature as a martyr in the struggle for racial and economic justice.  

    For most Americans, King’s iconic status has grown over the years to the point that it obscures the realities of who he was, and for what he stood. In spite of his many admirers, King did not enjoy universal support during his lifetime. Now that he is safely dead, his legacy is often misappropriated by those who were or who would be opposed to his life’s work. Ideological conservatives opposed to affirmative action in higher education and voluntary elementary and secondary school desegregation have shamelessly and dishonestly distorted his legacy and invoked his name in support of their agenda. For many, his hopeful vision of an America in which his children would no longer be ”judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character” means an adherence to a kind of color-blindness that would block all efforts targeted at helping African Americans. For them, color-blindness is the sum total of all he said and did. Yet King’s dream was not of a simplistic color-blindness; he was a strong advocate of affirmative action and supporter of school desegregation. While King’s powerfully eloquent articulation of his dream for America has resounded over the decades since the August, 1963 March on Washington, he said and stood for so much more.