marriage equality

  • February 13, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Washington state did not place the effort to advance equality before the whims of voters. Today at the Washington Capitol, Gov. Chris Gregoire signed into law a measure granting lesbians and gay men the right to wed.

    “This is a very proud moment,” Gregoire (pictured) said at the bill signing ceremony, the Seattle Times reports. The law will take effect in June, at the earliest, the newspaper states.  Last week when the state’s House approved the bill sending it to her, Gregoire said the state would “no longer deny our citizens the opportunity to marry the person they love. We tell every child of same-sex couples that their family is every bit as equal and important as all other families in our state. And we take a major step toward completing a long and important journey to end discrimination based on sexual orientation.”

    Like the one enacted last year by New York, Washington’s marriage equality law includes language allowing houses of worship to refuse to wed gay couples or allow their facilities to be used for such ceremonies. Besides New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Vermont and Iowa recognize same-sex marriages. Washington, D.C. also allows gay couples to wed.

    As is typical in all states where efforts to advance marriage equality have taken place, Religious Right organizations have rallied to counter them. Opponents of marriage equality in Washington are vowing to collect enough signatures, 241,153 by July 6, to place the newly enacted law before voters in November.

    The Family Policy Institute of Washington and the National Organization of Marriage (NOM) are pushing the effort to collect those signatures. The Family Policy Institute describes itself as an outfit that grooms “leaders” to help “impart a biblical worldview for those committed to Judeo-Christian truths ….”

  • February 10, 2012
    Guest Post

    By Rebecca L. Brown, Newton Professor of Constitutional Law at USC Gould School of Law. She is the author of the 2010 ACS Issue Brief, “The Prop 8 Court Can Have it All: Justice, Precedent, Respect for Democracy, and an Appropriately Limited Judicial Role.”


    The Ninth Circuit did a great job this week in deciding the Perry case, involving the constitutionality of Proposition 8 — not only because of the result it reached, but because of how it got there. I think the court did a great service to the plaintiffs in Perry (as well as those similarly situated), to the state of California, and to the Constitution itself. I say this because the court focused very carefully and narrowly on the facts of the particular case, and did not yield to the temptation, always present in a sensational case, to be dramatic, to exaggerate, or to stretch the law. Instead, in my view, the court did exactly what we want a court to do when faced with any Equal Protection challenge:  to consider very carefully the interests that the state offers in support of its unequal treatment of some of its people, and to insist that those interests be both genuine and closely tied to the law under attack. 

    On that score, Proposition 8 could not survive, for a very simple reason. The interests that were offered in support of denying marriage status to same-sex couples were not relevant to the actual inequality that Proposition 8 created. As the court recognized, Proposition 8 affected only the status of marriage, not the legal infrastructure supporting families headed by same-sex couples. The word “only” does not at all mean that the denial of this status is unimportant to either side of this debate. But it does confine the court’s equal protection inquiry to just those state interests that could be said to justify this denial of the title of marriage. The court rightly recognized that broad assertions of state interests that might arguably be served by restricting same-sex households and families were simply not germane to Proposition 8 itself, because that proposition did not have any effect on the surviving bundle of property, parenting, and companionship rights that support those households and families. The state was called upon to offer a non-hostility-based rationale for leaving same-sex households legally intact while denying them the status of marriage.  The court found none.

  • February 8, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    As noted here yesterday Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Stephen Reinhardt wrote in Perry v. Brown that the state of California had no reason to strip from lesbians and gay men the right to wed. It was a classification of a group of people for apparently hostile reasons that doomed the rabidly anti-gay ballot measure, Proposition 8.

    The writer and law professor Garrett Epps provides for The American Prospect, not surprisingly, a clearer understanding of Reinhardt’s opinion, which many pundits suggest could, if not likely, reach the Supreme Court.

    Epps notes that Reinhardt (pictured) is a “last great liberal lion of a once-numerous pride,” who has authored “dozens of decisions that embody old-style judicial liberalism (including one that terminally ill individuals have a right to seek medical assistance in suicide).”

    But in this case that lion, Epps says, has crafted an opinion that may have a longer “shelf-life” than many of his other decisions. For the opinion, did not sweepingly find that gays have a fundamental right to marry. As ACSblog noted, Reinhardt was focused on the targeting of a group of people for ill treatment, rather like the matter that resulted in the Supreme Court’s 1996 opinion in Romer v. Evans, where Justice Anthony Kennedy led a majority in finding unconstitutional Colorado’s noxious Amendment 2, a voter passed measure altering the state constitution to prohibit localities from enacting policy protecting lesbians and gay men from discrimination.

    Epps says in his latest opinion, Reinhardt may have been itching to roar – “to say something broader about human dignity and the essential worth of gays and lesbians.”

  • February 7, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    In a striking, though perhaps short-lived, victory for marriage equality, a federal appeals court panel invalidated California’s infamous Proposition 8, a ballot initiative that had overturned same-sex marriage in the state.

    The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit ruled 2 -1 today that the anti-equality measure “served no purpose, and no effect, other than to lessen the status and human dignity of gays and lesbians,” the Los Angeles Times reports. The Ninth Circuit majority concluded that Prop. 8  subverts the U.S. Constitution’s equal protection clause.

    Prop. 8 was passed, with the backing of religious right organizations, not long after the California Supreme Court ruled that a right to wed could not be denied to same-sex couples, and that doing so would violate the equal protection rights of lesbians and gay men. Prop. 8 amended the state constitution to bar same-sex marriage.

    The majority opinion in Perry v. Brown, written by Judge Stephen Reinhardt (pictured) upheld a lower federal court ruling by retired federal judge, Vaughn R. Walker, which invalidated Prop. 8.

    “Proposition 8 worked a singular and limited change to the California Constitution: it stripped same-sex couples of the right to have their committed relationships recognized by the State with the designation of ‘marriage,’ which the state constitution had previously guaranteed them, while leaving in place all of their other rights and responsibilities as partners – rights and responsibilities that are identical to those of married spouses and form an integral part of the marriage relationship,” Reinhardt wrote.

    Prop. 8 also resulted in an ignoble state constitutional rule that protected marriage only for straight couples, Reinhardt said.

    “In adopting the amendment, the People simply took the designation of ‘marriage’ away from lifelong same-sex partnerships, and with it the State’s authorization of that official status and the societal approval that comes with it,” Reinhardt wrote.

  • January 27, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Earlier in the week N.J. Gov. Chris Christie drew some plaudits from civil liberties advocates for making an effort to diversify that state’s highest court with the nomination of a gay man. Quickly on the heels of the announcement, however, Christie reaffirmed his opposition to the state legislature’s effort to pass a bill advancing equality, specifically granting gay couples the right to wed. Instead Christie said that marriage equality should be placed before voters. The move, according to The New York Times reporter Kate Zernike “highlighted the considerable political skills that have made him one of the Republican Party’s rising stars.”

    But, The Daily Beast blogger Andrew Sullivan lauds Newark, N.J. Mayor Cory Booker’s recent comments on marriage equality calling them among the “best defenses of marriage equality from a public official,” as well as a “great rebuttal” to Christie’s “deft but cowardly attempt to put civil rights in front of a referendum – even though the legislature is in favor.”

    Taking questions from reporters earlier this week, Booker said there are some very appropriate things to put before voters, such as measures requiring the super wealthy to pay more in taxes. Protections of civil rights, however, should not be placed within voters’ crosshairs, he said.

    “We should not be putting civil rights issues to a popular vote, to be subject to the sentiments, the passions of the day,” he said. “No minority should have their rights subject to the passions and sentiments of the majority.”

    See Booker’s comments below. Booker provided the closing speech at the 2010 ACS National Convention, in which he urged citizens to help advance equality.