Writing for TheHuffington Post, distinguished George Washington University Law School Prof. Alan B. Morrison and co-author Adam A. Marshall argue in favor of the National Popular Vote (NPV) movement. In his article, Morrison—a faculty advisor to the ACS Student Chapter at GWU—explains why the current state of the Electoral College is a major deficit to American democracy and how the NPV movement would facilitate a more representative voting system.
Writing for SCOTUSblog, Jody Freeman explains why the greenhouse gas cases pending at the U.S. Supreme Court will have little impact on the EPA and the government’s ability to regulate emissions.
The Associated Press reports on the developing case in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit that has Utah state attorneys insisting that same-sex marriage will devalue the family structure and lead to economic crisis.
David H. Gans of Slate breaks down Hobby Lobby’s lawsuit against the Obama administration to reveal why, when it comes to the free exercise of religion, most corporations are sitting this one out.
At the blog of Legal Times, Todd Ruger notes the diversity of President Obama’s judicial nominees.
Yesterday, the ACLU filed a lawsuit against Utah to force the state to continue recognizing the marriages of more than 1,000 same-sex couples who were legally married in the weeks after a federal court struck down Utah’s bans on allowing same-sex couples to marry. From the moment the federal court in Kitchen v. Herbert issued its decision on December 20, 2013, to the moment the Supreme Court issued a stay of the ruling on January 6, 2014 while the case is appealed, there was an outpouring of same-sex couples across the state who were finally able to express their love and commitment to each other through marriage and to protect their families through the protections and responsibilities that flow from being legally married.
After the Supreme Court stayed enforcement of the district court’s decision Utah’s governor has issued a directive ordering all state agencies to put the recognition of those marriages “on hold.” By terminating recognition of their marriages, the Governor’s directive effectively divorced over 1,000 couples in the eyes of the state, throwing their lives into disarray.
“We’re back at square one, with no idea what’s going to happen to us if one of us is hospitalized,” says Stacia. Her wife JoNell was treated much better when accompanying her during an emergency room visit after they were married than she was the time medical staff ignored and excluded JoNell during a previous hospitalization three years ago. “After 13 years together, we just want the security and peace of mind to know we can be there for each other in the hard times.”
The federal court decision last week ordering Ohio to honor a same-sex marriage that had been performed in Maryland was a legal landmark – the first federal decision to hold that, even if a state is hostile toward creating same-sex marriages, it may still be required to recognize such unions from other states. The opinion relied on a reading of the Supreme Court’s Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) decision that was probably too simplistic, and it failed to provide a robust and persuasive constitutional explanation for the distinction between recognizing existing marriages and actually creating new ones. (Later in this post, I’ll suggest a better analysis.) Still, the decision signals the opening of a new front in marriage equality litigation, a development I have previously suggested is overdue.
The case involved two Cincinnati men, James Obergefell and John Arthur. Arthur is dying of Lou Gehrig’s Disease, and the couple wanted his Ohio death certificate to list his status as “married,” with Obergefell as his surviving spouse. In early July the couple flew to Maryland in a specially equipped medical jet, were married in the plane as it sat on a tarmac, and returned home the same day.
by Senator Terri Bonoff, (DFL – Minnetonka), Minnesota State Senate. Sen. Bonoff is chairperson of the Higher Education and Workforce Development Committee.
I was a proud co-author of the Minnesota Marriage Equality Law that recently passed in our legislative session that ended May 21. As many know, the law will take effect on August 1, 2013. August 1, is my birthday. On my 50th birthday the University Avenue bridge fell, making my birthday bittersweet in the years following. While I am a “holiday” gal, love to celebrate, sharing the day with those who lost so much has made the day also marked by sorrow.
I am pleased to mark my forthcoming birthday, with something to celebrate - marriage equality. As a Democrat from a western suburban district that leans Republican, I am truly a swing voter in every way. I not only represent swing voters I am fiercely independent myself - my votes on fiscal matters often line up with my colleagues on the other side. Yet on matters of social justice, I am clear where I stand. It is because of this that I believe I was asked to be a co-author. I told my community during the campaign that I would not vote to raise their income taxes, but I would vote to support marriage equality. I did not say, “Don’t vote for the constitutional amendment because it is not necessary - our laws dictate that only one man and one woman can marry.” Instead I said, “I am for marriage equality, and you?” There was no confusion in my community about where I stood -- I put it in newspaper surveys, on my website and spoke of it in debates.
by Deirdre M. Bowen, Associate Professor of Law, Seattle University School of Law
Without a doubt, the Supreme Court’s ruling in United States v.Windsor No. 12-307 (June 26, 2013) offers immense hope for same-sex couples, at least for those who reside in states that allow same-sex couples to marry.
The Supreme Court affirmed a Second Circuit opinion that determined Section 3 of the Defense of Marriage Act (“DOMA”), which defines marriage as the union of a man and a woman, is unconstitutional as applied to New York resident Edith Windsor, the widow and executor of her wife’s estate. What is remarkable, however, is how the Supreme Court essentially ignored the Second Circuit’s rationale and developed its own.
The Second Circuit laid out a clear Equal Protection analysis of DOMA. In doing so, it bumped up the tier of scrutiny from rational basis, which the Southern District of New York Court applied, in favor of intermediate analysis, based on its finding that lesbians and gay men were a quasi-suspect class. Specifically, the Second Circuit found, after engaging in a four-part factor analysis, that gay people have been the target of discrimination and mistreatment in public and private spheres in the United States, and this triggered an intermediate level of scrutiny. The Second Circuit then evaluated the reasons that the Bipartisan Legal Advisory Group (“BLAG”) offered to determine whether these reasons were substantially related to an important government interest. In this task, the Second Circuit determined that BLAG had failed to demonstrate persuasive set of rationales.