Legal services

  • February 2, 2011

    by Jeremy Leaming

    In an effort to bolster the nation's indigent defense system, and criminal justice in general, Senate Judiciary Chairman Patrick Leahy is pushing for reauthorization of a measure enacted in 2003 intended to further those goals.

    Leahy introduced legislation this week to reauthorize the Justice for All Act, which he said will help advance a "criminal justice system which keeps us safe, ensures fairness and accuracy, and fulfills the promise of our constitution."

    In a press statement about the measure, Leahy notes that beyond reauthorizing several DNA-evidence program grants, it would also require the Department of Justice "to provide technical assistance to state and local governments requesting support to meet their Sixth Amendment obligations, and make it unlawful for any governmental authority to engage in a pattern or practice of conduct that deprives persons of their rights to assistance of counsel as protected by the Sixth Amendment."

    Cara H. Drinan, a law professor at Catholic University of America, examined in an ACS Issue Brief the state of indigent defense, concluding that more federal involvement is needed to overcome a "crisis in indigent defense services."

    Drinan said that many states are falling far short of their duties to uphold Sixth Amendment rights. In its landmark 1963 opinion, Gideon v. Wainwright, the Supreme Court found that states must provide legal representation to criminal defendants who cannot afford attorneys. Drinan notes that in "16 states, more than half of indigent defense costs are paid for by the county; and in two states, Pennsylvania and Utah, there is no state funding at all. These states abdicate their constitutional obligations under Gideon when they require counties to fund indigent defense services."

  • December 23, 2010

    During the final hours of the lame-duck session, the Senate secured a victory for access to justice, unanimously passing a bill to continue deposit insurance protection for Interest on Loan Trust Accounts (IOLTA).

    IOLTAs, where lawyers keep client funds, with interest contributed to legal services to the poor and other legal education programs, are an important source of funding for civil legal services programs.

    Under the Dodd-Frank reform bill, Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. protection was extended for other trust and business accounts that do not pay interest, but the bill neglected to include IOLTAs.

    The lack of protection for IOLTAs would have created an incentive for lawyers, who have an ethical obligation to protect client funds, to keep these funds in other insured types of accounts, Sen. Jeff Merkley said in a statement prior to the bill's passage. The bill was being held up by Sen. David Vitter, The Blog of Legal Times reported, citing Louisiana columnist Clancy DuBos, with FDIC protection set to expire Dec. 31.

    But the bill was passed by the Senate on its final day in session, and was passed by the House earlier this year.

    "Each year and in each of our 50 states, hundreds of thousands of low-income Americans benefit from access to essential legal services and legal education programs supported by the IOLTA partnership between law firms and banks," Merkley said after the bill's passage. "I applaud my colleagues for seeing the value in this partnership and preserving the IOLTA program for years to come."

     

  • October 14, 2010

    A report surveying justice systems in 35 nations shows that America's system is woefully serving large segments of the society, especially the poor and middle class, as The Huffington Post's Dan Froomkin notes.

    "The Rule of Law Index," released yesterday by the World Justice Project shows that "when it comes to access to and affordability of legal counsel in civil disputes, the U.S. ranks 20 out of the 35 nations surveyed, below not only developed nations but also such countries as Mexico, Croatia and the Dominican Republic," Froomkin writes. He notes that the survey reveals that "when it comes to providing access to justice to its citizens," the U.S. ranks lowest "among 11 developed nations when it comes to providing access to justice to its citizens - and lower than some third-world nations in some categories."

    Froomkin continues:

    As part of its fact-finding, the organization polled 1,000 people in New York, Chicago and Los Angeles, and found a significant gap between the rich and the poor in terms of their use and satisfaction with the civil courts system.

    More information about the Index and the project in general is available here.

    Froomkin also noted that the Obama administration has worked to address gaping disparities among legal services that exist in various communities in part by creating the Access to Justice Initiative and selecting renowned constitutional scholar Laurence H. Tribe to lead it. At the 2010 ACS National Convention Tribe participated in a panel discussion regarding the government's role in improving legal services for the poor. Video of that panel discussion is available here

    ACS has published several recent Issue Briefs studying the troubles besetting the nation's indigent defense system. Some of those reports include: "Restoring Access to Justice: The Impact of the Iqbal and Twombly on Federal Civil Rights Litigation," "Assessing the Indigent Defense System," "A Legislative Approach to Indigent Defense Reform," "Litigation Strategies for Dealing with the Indigent Defense Crisis," and "Overcoming Defiance of the Constitution: The Need for a Federal Role in Protecting the Right to Counsel in Georgia."

  • October 12, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Sherrilyn Ifill, Professor of Law, University of Maryland School of Law

    There's a story to be told from the intense media focus on last week's Snyder v. Phelps case in the Supreme Court. To be sure, the case - involving a challenge by the father of a slain serviceman to protests conducted by a fringe religious organization at his son's funeral - is an important one in which the Court may provide importance guidance on the reach of the First Amendment. The protests at the military funerals, in which followers of the Westboro Baptist "church," hold up signs that celebrate the death of U.S. soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan, which Westboro members regard as a punishment for what they believe is U.S. tolerance of gays in the military - are repulsive by almost any sane standard. Given the lurid facts of the case, and the tension between our sympathy for Alfred Snyder and our traditional robust protection of even repulsive speech under the First Amendment, it's perhaps not surprising that almost every major news outlet and Supreme Court blog reported on last Thursday's oral argument.

    But it's telling that on the same day Snyder was argued, the Court also heard oral argument in Connick v. Thompson - a case with considerably more concrete implications for the lives of thousands of criminal defendants. In Connick, the Court will decide whether a man who was convicted of capital murder and held in solitary confinement on death row for 14 years can hold a prosecutor's office civilly liable for violating his constitutional rights by withholding exculpatory evidence from defense counsel and failing to train prosecutors in their obligation to furnish this information to defense counsel. The obligation of prosecutors to turn over such evidence to defense counsel was first established by the Supreme Court in 1963. But the New Orleans district attorney's office argues in Connick that it cannot be held liable for a single incident of violating Brady. Instead, the prosecutor argues that they can only be held liable if it is demonstrated that they engaged in a pattern of withholding such evidence. In other words, only if we repeatedly violated the Constitution can we be compelled to pay for allowing an innocent man to be imprisoned and almost executed.

    With the exception of an article I wrote for The Root, and an in-depth treatment by John Hollway in SLATE, (Hollway's book on the Thompson case has just been released) the oral argument in Connick escaped media and Supreme Court blog attention. And this is its own story. Connick (like last year's Pottawattamie, IA v. McGhee case) is a case that peels back the cover on an aspect of the criminal justice system that is too little examined in the mainstream media, and is unfortunately too well-known to many African Americans. The willingness of some prosecutors to withhold evidence that would likely exculpate criminal defendants, or as in the Pottawattamie case, to deliberately fabricate evidence to frame criminal suspects is a reality of our criminal justice system. The fact that these instances are rare compared to the thousands of cases in which prosecutors act ethically, makes them no less corrosive of public confidence in our justice system. That the victims of this kind of misconduct are often African Americans adds yet another layer of ugliness that further complicates the public response. Unfortunately, it may also explain why these stories - even when they make it to the Supreme Court - get so little attention. When the victims are prominent and white - as in the case of the Duke lacrosse team members accused of rape - prosecutorial misconduct makes an intense, but still too-brief appearance on the front pages of our newspapers.

  • September 21, 2010
    Guest Post

    By E. Wycliffe Orr, Sr., an attorney and principal in the Gainesville, Georgia law firm of Orr, Brown & Johnson LLP. Mr. Orr, a trial lawyer for 38 years and former member of the Georgia House of Representatives, has served for the last seven years on the Georgia Public Defender Standards Council, since the inception of that entity created by the Georgia Indigent Defense Act of 2003.
    Jamie Ryan Weis has been held in county jails in Georgia for over four years. Weis has not been found guilty of any crime. He has not had a trial. Although he is charged with murder and the prosecution is seeking the death penalty, during all but some six months of the time he has been held, he has not had active legal representation because the State of Georgia has failed to provide funding for his defense.

    I, along with several distinguished members of the Georgia bar, including former Chief Justice Norman Fletcher, the former chair of the Chief Justice's Commission on Indigent Defense, two former chairs of the Georgia Public Defender Standards Council, and current and former members of the Council, some of whom were state legislators and one of whom is a county attorney, have filed an amicus brief urging the Supreme Court of the United States to grant review of the Weis case and prohibit prosecutors from taking advantage of Georgia's leaving Weis defenseless for so long.

    The Supreme Court should recognize that Jamie Weis has been denied his most fundamental right to counsel and that it is impossible for him to receive a fair trial after such a prolonged deprivation of counsel.

    Weis was charged with the murder of Catherine King in 2006. When the state decided to seek the death penalty, Georgia's indigent defense program, the Georgia Public Defender Standards Council, engaged two private lawyers with experience in defending capital cases to represent him. They diligently began work on his case.

    Six months later, however, they were informed that there were no funds for investigators or expert witnesses. They were soon told there was not even funding to pay them. The case ground to a halt - but not Weis's pre-trial confinement. The one constant since his 2006 arrest has been that he is held in a county jail.

    In response to this impasse, the prosecutor -- who is seeking the death penalty for Weis -- orally moved in open court for the trial judge to remove Weis's lawyers and replace them with local public defenders the prosecutor named. One of the public defenders he named was not even certified to handle capital cases. Neither Weis nor his lawyers were given any warning that such a motion would be made. Nevertheless, the trial judge granted it instanter.