Lawrence v. Texas

  • September 19, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Jon Davidson, legal director of Lambda Legal


    On Tuesday, September 20th, we will celebrate the long overdue and unlamented end of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell (DADT), the destructive and discriminatory law that prevented lesbian, bisexual and gay service members from serving their country openly. This is an amazing achievement, and one for which we need to salute the many brave LGB service members and veterans who, often at great sacrifice, stood up to institutionalized discrimination and argued that their private intimate relationships have no bearing on their fitness for military service and their willingness to make the ultimate sacrifice for our country. We also owe a debt of gratitude to the many organizations, LGBT and allied activists, and politicians who relegated this ignoble law to history.

    Lambda Legal has long battled antigay discrimination in the military, filing our first lawsuit in 1975 and representing many service members since then. In 1992, together with Northwest Women's Law Center (now known as Legal Voice) and with assistance from the National Lawyers Guild's Military Law Task Force,  Lambda Legal filed a lawsuit on behalf of decorated Army and National Guard veteran Col. Margarethe Cammermeyer who was discharged under pre-DADT regulations because of her sexual orientation. We won a favorable judgment two years later from a federal district judge who held the military’s ban violated the equal protection and due process guarantees of the U. S. Constitution. Col. Cammermeyer’s case was dramatized in the film Serving in Silence. With the ACLU, Lambda Legal also filed the first challenge to DADT, which succeeded at the trial court only to be wrongly upheld on appeal.  Most recently, Lambda Legal filed two different amicus briefs in the Log Cabin Republicans v. United States of America, a case that there can be no doubt rushed along the repeal of DADT. On Sept. 1, the Ninth Circuit heard oral argument of the appeal of the trial court’s ruling in that case finding that DADT unconstitutionally burdened the right of liberty established by our seminal Lawrence v. Texas case, by limiting service members’ freedom to engage in intimate relationships if they wanted to keep their jobs. The argument chiefly focused on whether the appeal would become moot once DADT is fully repealed, one of the principal issues addressed by our last amicus brief in the case. While I firmly believe that the district court’s declaratory judgment that DADT is unconstitutional should stand after the repeal of DADT, in light of the tenor of the questions and comments at the argument, it is possible that the Ninth Circuit will vacate that judgment or remand the case to the district court for consideration of whether the judgment should be vacated.

  • March 5, 2010
    Guest Post

    By David H. Gans, Director of the Human Rights, Civil Rights, and Citizenship Program at the Constitutional Accountability Center. He is the lead author of the report, The Gem of the Constitution: the Text and History of the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, and co-author of CAC's brief in McDonald. This article is cross-posted at CAC's blog, Text & History.

    On Tuesday, the Supreme Court heard oral argument in McDonald v. City of Chicago, which raises the question whether the Second Amendment's guarantee of a right to bear arms applies to states and local governments. Going into argument, incorporation of the Second Amendment right seemed a given - after all, states already have to obey virtually every right in the Bill of Rights. The critical question was whether the Court would breathe new life into the Privileges or Immunities Clause, and honor the part of the Fourteenth Amendment's text that clearly protects substantive fundamental rights from state infringement.

    The Privileges or Immunities Clause was intended to be the centerpiece of the Fourteenth Amendment, but it was written out of the Constitution by the Supreme Court in the 1873 Slaughter-House Cases. The decision has been regarded as one of the worst in the Court's history, and roundly condemned by the Amendment's framers in the 1870s, Justice Harlan in the early 20th century, and Justice Black in the 1940s. The overwhelming consensus among scholars across the ideological spectrum - reflected in a law professors' brief filed by CAC in McDonald - is that Slaughter-House obliterated the text and history of the Clause through a profoundly incorrect interpretation of the Constitution.

    Unfortunately, the Privileges or Immunities Clause received a chilly reception from the Court on Tuesday, especially from those Justices who most profess to take the Constitution's text and history seriously. Justice Scalia belittled the Clause, accusing Alan Gura, McDonald's attorney, of "bucking for some place on some law school faculty" by advancing an argument that was "the darling of the professoriate." Scalia, supposedly the Court's chief originalist, wouldn't even consider the merits of the argument. Chief Justice Roberts, too, refused to follow the Constitution's text and history where it leads. He explicitly worried that the Privileges or Immunities Clause would allow for broad protections of substantive liberty; he preferred to rely on the Due Process Clause, since that text is about process, and does not easily lend itself to protecting substantive fundamental rights. While Roberts and Scalia were content to rely on substantive due process to protect gun rights, they seemed to want to reserve the opportunity to bash the doctrine in future cases involving rights they don't recognize. Other Justices were less overtly hostile, but none seemed willing to revive the Clause.

    In light of its reception at the Court, was Gura too bold?

  • December 30, 2009
    Paul M. Smith, a longtime Supreme Court litigator and counsel for the plaintiffs in the landmark Supreme Court case, Lawrence v. Texas, recently talked with the American Constitution Society of Yale Law School about LGBT equal rights advancements, and setbacks. Smith, partner at Jenner & Block LLP and former chair of the ACS Board of Directors, told the Yale Law School chapter that the advancement for equality has been decidedly mixed, but there remained ample room for optimism.

    He noted the referenda setbacks in California and Maine, but added, "We have marriage equality in five states, and the flood tide is still running very strongly in the direction of equality. "

    "And so I'm very optimistic," Smith continued, "that in the next few years we will continue to make tremendous strides."

    Smith also said that advocates for equality should push lawmakers to advance equal rights. "If anything," Smith added, "pressure should be ratcheted up. It [reform] needs to happen." See video of Smith's entire interview here or download it here. The interview followed a recent ACS Yale Law School chapter event, featuring Smith. 

  • May 18, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Chris Geidner, who is on the Executive Board of the Columbus Lawyer Chapter of ACS and blogs at Law Dork, 2.0. You also can follow him at chrisgeidner on Twitter.

    As the White House gears up for the confirmation hearings for President Obama's first Supreme Court nominee, it has become clear that the topic of marriage equality (a.k.a., same-sex marriage) will be front and center. Cornell Law professor William Jacobson even suggested in a lengthy article in Sunday's edition of The Washington Post that same-sex marriage could outperform abortion as the "flash point" of this summer's main event.

    In light of the weekly and even daily developments across the country on marriage equality in the few short months since the President took office, it's easy to see how such a topic could dominate discussion. It's not the past developments, though, that are prompting the focus.

    Most recent developments, in fact, appear to defuse conservatives' cries about "activist courts." Save for the Iowa Supreme Court's decision in April, in which the court vigorously defended against claims of judicial activism, most of the current state court battles -- from California to Wisconsin -- are procedural challenges -- not broad, equal protection or due process challenges. What’s more, most of the marriage developments -- from Vermont to Maine to D.C. to New Hampshire -- have come from lawmakers -- not courts. Further still, there has been a concerted effort and great success at chipping away at religious objections by recognizing broad religious exemptions in civil marriage laws in Connecticut and Maine and -- soon -- New Hampshire.

    So, with all of that, why is there such a focus on the thoughts of one potential U.S. Supreme Court justice on marriage equality?