Kagan Confirmation Hearings

  • July 9, 2010
    Likely the most disconcerting moment of the Kagan Supreme Court confirmation hearings was the trashing of former Justice Thurgood Marshall by a gaggle of Senate Judiciary Republicans. The senators' attacks on Marshall as a wildly out-of-step, activist justice were sharply criticized by academics, such as Maryland law school professor Sherrilyn A. Ifill and civil rights advocates like the NAACP LDF's John Payton.

    In a recent article for the Los Angeles Daily Journal, University of Southern California law school professor and former Marshall law clerk Rebecca L. Brown explored the Republican senators' "highly troubling" attacks on Marshall.

    Brown, the Newton Professor of Constitutional Law at USC's Gould School of Law, wrote:

    What, then, is the object of the derisive remarks we heard last week? The only answer is the use to which Justice Marshall put his judicial methodology, in pursuit of the ideas and principles that he valued. As a justice, Marshall's vision of the Constitution was a document true to its promise of equal moral and political status for all; a document dedicated to protecting individuals from arbitrary and unfair treatment by government; a document protecting the integrity of the democratic process as one open to all people, all points of view, all economic classes, and all political parties; a document designed to protect freedom of conscience in all people from government orthodoxy, and to protect personal dignity from unwarranted invasion. These are some of the principles that Justice Marshall recognized in the Constitution and voted consistently to vindicate when he was on the bench. Justice Marshall's name is synonymous with these ideals.

    So when U.S. senators hold up the name of Thurgood Marshall as a negative symbol of judicial behavior, they are conspicuously condemning an understanding of the Constitution as a vehicle for protecting equality, fairness, electoral integrity, and autonomy, the ideas in whose service Justice Marshall voted in every case. And of course most saliently, because of Justice Marshall's personal history, first as a principle architect of the litigation strategy that ultimately dismantled Jim Crow, and then as the first justice who was a descendant of slaves, they are also painfully condemning in a broad symbolic sense the early successes of the civil rights movement itself.

    Brown's entire article is here (pdf), posted with the permission of Daily Journal Corp. (2010).

  • July 1, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Howard M. Wasserman, Associate Professor of Law, Florida International University College of Law

    Elena Kagan took on the judge-as-umpire/ball-and-strike meme yesterday in response to a question from Sen. Klobuchar and knocked it out almost as successfully as she could. No transcripts to be found, but here is the video and some thoughts.

     

    1) Kagan said it was apt in saying that judges, like umpires, should not have a "team in the game," should not come onto the field rooting for one team over another.

    OK answer, although she lost points for not using the Twins in her hypo in response to a question from a Senator from Minnesota.

    As I have argued before, to the extent this is what the metaphor means, it does no work. No one believes a judge should be "rooting" for one party over another and we don't need an analogy to baseball to drive the point home. Besides, no one seriously believes an umpire "roots" for one team or that a judge "roots" for one party.

  • July 1, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Geoffrey R. Stone, Edward H. Levi Distinguished Service Professor of Law, the University of Chicago Law School. Professor Stone is a member of the ACS Board of Directors.
    Senator: Are you now or have you ever been a legal progressive?
    Nominee: What's a "legal progressive"? I'm not sure I know what you mean by that term.
    Senator: I take it that's a "yes."
    Nominee: No, it's not a "yes."
    Senator: Is it a "maybe"?
    Nominee: I suppose it's possible.
    Senator: Good! You admit it's possible. Well, then, are you now or have you ever been a member of a legal progressive-front organization?
    Nominee: I don't know. If you give me an example of such an organization, I can tell you whether I've ever been a member.
    Senator: Ha! It's not that easy.
    Nominee: So it would appear.
    Senator: Have you ever provided material support to any legal progressive-front organization?
    Nominee: Sigh.
    Senator: Are any of your work associates, neighbors, friends or acquaintances - past, present or future - involved in any way with any legal progressive-front organization?
    Nominee: Senator, this is ridiculous.
    Senator: Good! Now we're getting somewhere. So, tell me, have you ever read any judicial opinions by Thurgood Marshall, William Douglas, Earl Warren or William Brennan?
    Nominee: Of course.
    Senator: They were legal progressives, right? Right?
    Nominee: If that's what you want to label them.
    Senator: Well, then, how would you label them?
    Nominee: I'd say they were Justices you don't like very much.
    Senator: Ah, ha! Do you know a man called Barack Hussein Obama?
    Nominee: I'm proud to say that I do.
    Senator: You admit that he's a legal progressive, right?
    Nominee: He can speak for himself.
    Senator: Did Thurgood Marshall call you "Shorty"?
    Nominee: He did. It was a term of affection, at least I hope it was. Certainly, it was descriptive.
    Senator: Wasn't it really your secret code name as a legal progressive co-conspirator?
    Nominee: Senator, I've never had an alias, and I have no idea what you're talking about.
    Senator: I have in my hand a list. . . .

  • July 1, 2010
    Faced with what appears to be a centrist, pragmatic jurist in the nominee of Elena Kagan to the Supreme Court, conservatives on the Senate Judiciary Committee found a way to sneak race into the confirmation process, writes University of Maryland Law School professor Sherrilyn A. Ifill in an article for The Root.

    Since those senators - Jon Kyle, Jeff Sessions and John Cornyn - don't have the nominee they'd hoped for, "the kind of nominee they wish President Obama had nominated - one who was black and unabashedly liberal," they sought a means to dragging a divisive cultural debate into the forum by turning to Kagan's "association" with the Civil Rights icon Thurgood Marshall.

    In "Trashing Thurgood Marshall," Ifill notes, like a growing number of commentators, that the Republican's attacks on the legacy of a Civil Rights champion (Marshall pictured with Kagan in 1988) are "a new low," and a "sucker-punch" on the first day of the hearings, one that is spurring backlash.

    Ifill writes:

    Race, class and culture divisions are themes that some Republican senators turn to again and again at confirmation hearings. They do this by invoking the specter of out-of-touch elites, unqualified racial minorities, the dangers of international law and equal rights for gays and lesbians.

    And so it was attack by association. Kagan's work as Thurgood Marshall's law clerk after she graduated for Harvard Law seemed too good an opportunity for some Republicans on the committee to pass up. Invoking Justice Marshall as an activist gave the Republicans on the committee the chance to criticize the kind of nominee they wish President Obama had nominated - one who was black and unabashedly liberal. The fact that President Obama chose not to appoint such a nominee (precisely to deny Republicans the opportunity to paralyze the country with divisive and unproductive hearings) was of no importance. Elena Kagan was, in essence, raced by the committee members, who used Justice Marshall as a racial stand-in for President Obama and a proxy in the ongoing culture wars.

    Outside the Senate Judiciary hearing room, Justice Marshall is regarded as one of the greatest lawyers and most admired judges of the 20th century, so the way the Republicans talked about him -- as a dangerous judicial activist "outside the mainstream" -- was pure theater. Marshall was an unabashed liberal at a time when that word was simply a place on the ideological spectrum, not an indictment. Indeed Marshall's place on the legal spectrum is well within the mainstream of legal thought -- so much so that he was confirmed by a vote of 69-11 for a seat on the Court. In 1967.

    But Marshall's legacy stands up to the Republicans' personal attacks, Ifill continues. His legacy includes a long list of principled stances, fights and heroic struggles that built a better nation, albeit one with much progress to be made. Marshall eloquently argued the unconstitutionality of the death penalty, and gave us the resounding statement in favor of privacy rights - "if the First Amendment means anything, it means that the State has no business telling a man, sitting alone in his house, what books he may read or what films he may watch. Our whole constitutional heritage rebels as the thought of giving the government the power to control men's minds."

    Ifill's entire article is available here.

  • June 30, 2010
    A group of Republican Senate Judiciary Committee members, as noted in this blog post, attacked the work of Thurgood Marshall, the former Supreme Court justice and towering civil rights leader during the opening day of the Elena Kagan Supreme Court confirmation hearings. The senators' broadsides of Marshall continue to draw sharp rebuttals.

    As noted by The New York Times, "Justice Thurgood Marshall, who as a lawyer argued the Brown case [Brown v. Board Education, which invalidated segregation in schools], has emerged as a dominant figure in the hearings. Ms. Kagan clerked for him, and Republicans, led by Senator Jon Kyl of Arizona, have attacked Justice Marshall as a liberal ‘activist' and expressed concerns about Ms. Kagan's association with him."

    In a column for The Washington Post, Stephanie J. Jones knocks Sens. Kyl, Jeff Sessions and John Cornyn for their over-the-top and wildly unfair remarks.

    Jones, the former executive director of the National Urban League Policy Institute and a former chief Senate Judiciary Committee counsel, writes:

    Let me put it plainly, senators: Far from being the out-of-the mainstream caricature you seek to create, Thurgood Marshall deserves your unyielding gratitude and respect. Among other things, he saved this nation from a second civil war.

    ...

    Marshall stood up for the rights of millions of ordinary Americans who, were it not for him, would have continued to be second-class citizens, unable to vote, attend state universities or share public accommodations by virtue of the color of their skin. This would have been a very different nation - had it even survived.