Justice John Paul Stevens

  • August 2, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    In summer 2002, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that it is unconstitutional for states to execute mentally disabled people. But its opinion in Atkins v. Virginia has failed to take hold in Texas, a state that as University of Colorado law school professor Paul Campos puts it “likes killing people, and it’s not terribly particular about whom it kills.”

    Campos is not kidding. The state under its current governor, Rick Perry (pictured), leads the way in killing people, far outpacing other death penalty states. And as Campos highlights the state has found a way to circumvent Supreme Court precedent and not only kill mentally disabled inmates, but people “represented by frighteningly incompetent lawyers, and almost certainly innocent.”

    Recently the Supreme Court declined to intervene and stop Texas from executing Yokamon Hearn, who suffered from brain damage and was poorly represented at trial. The Texas Defender Service had fought to stop the execution of the mentally disabled Hearn.

    The state is on the verge of executing yet another mentally disabled man, Marvin Wilson. Wilson’s attorney Lee Kovarsky, an assistant professor of law at the University of Maryland, has urged the Supreme Court to intervene to stop the execution set for Aug. 7. Wilson was convicted of allegedly killing a drug informant, but Kovarsky’s petition for a writ of certiorari casts serious doubt on that.

    Citing Atkins, Wilson’s attorney notes that Donald Trahan, a neuropsychologist appointed by the court to examine Wilson, diagnosed him as suffering “mental retardation.” Wilson, Kovarsky continues, “received a 61 on the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale …, recognized as the gold standard of intellectual assessment. The evaluation places Wilson well below the “first percentile of human intelligence.”

    As Campos noted Wilson has the “mental development of the average first-grader.” But, Campos continued, the “most shocking aspect of this case is that the state of Texas has never even bothered to present any evidence contesting” Wilson’s diagnosis.

    Instead Texas has been able, thanks to the ultraconservative U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, to apply its own standards in determining whether a death row inmate is mentally disabled. Texas’ factors for determining whether a person is mentally disabled are not recognized by the American Association on Intellectual and Development Disabilities. Kovarsky writes that the factors Texas employs to determine mental illness “lack any scientific foundation, violate the basic diagnostic principle that adaptive strengths and limitations coexist ….”

  • July 16, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Since the Supreme Court issued its opinion in Citizens United v. FEC in early 2010 it has become painfully clear that the majority opinion was poorly crafted and based on wobbly assumptions about the effects of corporate bankrolling of elections.

    In late May, retired Justice John Paul Stevens, who lodged a concurring and dissenting opinion in the case, offered a number of reasons why the high court should revisit the majority opinion's holding.

    Before hitting upon those reasons, Stevens, in a speech at the University of Arkansas Clinton School of Public Service, noted that the majority decision reversed “a century of law [upholding campaign finance regulations]” and it authorized “unlimited election-related expenditures by America’s most powerful interests.”

    The opinion, Stevens continued, placed an enormous “emphasis on ‘the premise that the First Amendment generally prohibits the suppression of political speech based on the speaker’s identity’” and claimed that when it comes to political speech the government is barred from restricting speakers.

    Plenty of constitutional scholars have argued that the majority opinion fleetingly trampled precedent in support of campaign finance regulation to unveil a new right for corporations to spend wildly on politicking.

    But Harvard Law School professor Benjamin I. Sachs in a recent op-ed for The New York Times notes that it also tramples the cherished First Amendment principle that the government cannot force individuals to support politicians or political causes.

    Specifically Sachs notes that the “vast majority of people who work in the public sector – state, local and federal employees – are required to make contributions to a pension plan.” And nearly every state makes it mandatory for workers to participate in those plans. Not surprisingly, Sachs notes workers have little say in how the pension plans are operated and that “pension plans invest heavily in corporate securities: in 2008, public pensions held about $1.15 trillion in corporate stock.”

  • May 31, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    At some point perhaps soon the U.S. Supreme Court’s conservative wing will have to reckon with some of its sweeping assertions in its controversial 2010 Citizens United v. FEC majority opinion.

    Retired Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens in a methodical, thoughtful speech at the University of Arkansas Clinton School of Public Services detailed why he thinks some of the holding in Citizens United is due for reconsideration.

    Stevens’ former colleague Justice Samuel Alito mouthed “not true” during President Obama’s 2010 State of the Union address when the president said Citizens United could “open the floodgates for special interests – including foreign corporations – to spend without fault in our elections.”

    But the majority opinion, Stevens said “placed such heavy emphasis on ‘the premise that the First Amendment generally prohibits the suppression of political speech based on the speaker’s identity.’”

    “Indeed,” Stevens continued, “the opinion expressly stated, ‘We find no basis for the proposition that, in the context of political speech, the Government may impose restrictions on certain disfavored speakers.’”

    Stevens said:

    Given the fact that the basic proposition that undergirded the majority’s analysis is that the First Amendment does not permit the regulation of speech – or of expenditures supporting speech – to be based on the identity of the speaker or his patron, it is easy to understand why the president would not have understood that ambiguous response to foreclose First Amendment protection for propaganda financed by foreign entities.

    But Justice Alito’s reaction does persuade me that in due course it will be necessary for the Court to issue an opinion explicitly crafting an exception that will create a crack in the foundation of the Citizens United majority opinion. For his statement that it is ‘not true’ that foreign entities will be among the beneficiaries of Citizens United offers good reason to predict there will not be five votes for such a result when a case arises that requires the Court to address the issue in a full opinion.

    The former justice, the third longest serving justice on the high court, also pointed to an opinion, one he joined, that followed Citizens United. In Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project, the majority held that Congress can bar material support of terrorist groups, even if that support is advice on how to conduct peaceful protests.

  • January 20, 2012
    Humor

    by John Schachter

    Stephen Colbert gave new meaning to “Justice delayed is justice denied” when he interviewed a surprisingly game former Supreme Court Justice John Paul Stevens. Colbert apparently didn’t realize (wink, wink) that Stevens had retired from the high court but reluctantly forges ahead with the interview nonetheless.

    The meat of the interview was a discussion of the court’s controversial Citizens United decision, coming up on its two-year anniversary. While Colbert insisted that corporations are exactly like people and deserving of all the same rights, Stevens parried quite effectively. “As with natural persons as well as corporate persons, some have different rights than others do,” Stevens explained. “The same rights don’t apply to everyone in every possible situation.”

    At 91 years, Stevens makes 90-years old Hollywood star Betty White seem old by comparison. His quick wit and sharp legal mind were on full display during the nearly 7-minute interview. The highlight? Colbert asked Stevens if there were any decisions he made that he later regretted. Said Stevens in response, “Other than this interview? I don’t think so.”

  • June 28, 2010
    Guest Post

    By Brian Stull, Staff Attorney, ACLU Capital Punishment Project
    "Society changes. Knowledge accumulates. We learn, sometimes, from our mistakes. Punishments that did not seem cruel and unusual at one time may, in the light of reason and experience, be found cruel and unusual at a later time." These were the eloquent words of retiring Justice John Paul Stevens in Graham v. Florida, in which the Supreme Court this term decided that the punishment of life without parole for minors who did not kill is cruel and unusual punishment. But Justice Stevens' words apply with equal force to his approach to the death penalty during his nearly 35-year tenure on the Court, which regrettably ends today.

    The ACLU has long opposed capital punishment. By contrast, in 1976, Justice Stevens voted to uphold the capital statutes passed in response to the Supreme Court's 1972 decision in Furman v. Georgia. However, since then, he has repeatedly sought to eliminate unfairness in the application of the death penalty and to ensure that it was inflicted on only "the worst of the worst."

    Justice Stevens wrote the court's opinion barring the death penalty for mentally retarded people as cruel and unusual punishment (link to Atkins v. Virginia). He joined the majority in several similar rulings, finding execution to be cruel and unusual punishment for adult rape, for participants in felonies resulting in death who did not themselves kill, intend to kill or intend that a killing take place, for juveniles who kill, and for the rape of a child.

    Gradually, Justice Stevens began to have doubts about the fairness of capital punishment. As the Court retreated from its promise that the death penalty would be applied rationally, reliably and consistently or not at all, Justice Stevens became an eloquent voice in dissent.