Justice David Souter

  • October 5, 2009
    Recently retired Supreme Court Justice David Souter's papers from his service on the nation's high court have been turned over to the New Hampshire Historical Society where they won't be made public until 2059. Former Supreme Court correspondent for The New York Times Linda Greenhouse, in a recent column the newspaper's op-ed page, lamented the decision to keep the papers under wraps for decades to come.

    Although Greenhouse, a member of the ACS Board of Directors, wrote that she tried to convince herself that she really "didn't care" about missing out on examining Souter's papers, she thought of some high court mysteries that she would love to crack.

    Greenhouse wrote:

    In the interests of space, I will mention just one of these mysteries, from the court's last term.

    It is the surprising outcome of the big Voting Rights Act case, in which the court had undertaken to decide whether Congress exceeded its authority in renewing the requirement for some states and jurisdictions, mostly in the South, to obtain federal approval before making any change to a voting procedure, however minor. This "preclearance" provision, Section 5 of the act, was the key to the law's effectiveness over three decades in expanding and preserving minority voting rights.

    The court's opinion, by Chief Justice Roberts, ducked the constitutional issue on the ground that the small Texas sewer district that brought the case might be entitled to "bail out" of the law and so might have nothing to complain about. This was an implausible outcome, to put it mildly, because the statute's text actually made the sewer district and other small jurisdictions like it ineligible to escape the law's provisions.

    Chief Justice Roberts has won praise in some quarters for a statesmanlike, "minimalist" solution to a hot-button constitutional problem. I have strong doubts as to whether the praise is deserved. My belief is that he would have gone as far in the direction of declaring Section 5 unconstitutional as he could have and still hold a majority.

    The court surely did not accept this case for argument (as opposed to simply affirming the law's constitutionality, as the Bush administration had urged) in order to decide whether the Northwest Austin Municipal Utility District No. 1 was entitled to bail out. I suspect that a member of the once-eager majority, perhaps Justice Anthony M. Kennedy, got cold feet, and that one or more of the liberal justices, maybe even Justice Souter, brokered a deal that allowed the court to extricate itself from a tight spot. My evidence for this theory? Along with evidence for any other theory, it will be locked in a vault in Concord, N.H.
  • September 22, 2009

    Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg and David Souter both adddressed constitutional interpretation recently before law school audiences. While each embraced originalism as one tool in the judicial arsenal, they were also quick to spell out its shortcomings.

    "Originalism is fine if you don't expect too much from it," Souter told attendees [video] of his lecture at Harvard Law School, likening the methodology to pulling a rabbit out of a hat.

    "[W]hat happens when a helicopter is above your house searching for marijuana ... without actually searching the home?" Ginsburg asked her audience at Northwestern Law School. "The Fourth Amendment has to apply to new circumstances. The Constitution is the oldest in the world, and the expectation was that it would govern us through the ages and through change in time."

  • August 3, 2009

    Editor's Note: This post was updated, Aug. 4, 2009, to include a link to the ABA's video of Justice David Souter's speech. 

    Former Supreme Court Justice David Souter, during the recent annual ABA gathering, urged attendees to become more engaged in bolstering civic education. Souter, reported Lynne Marek for The National Law Journal, expressed frustration with surveys showing that large numbers of Americans cannot identify the three branches of government.

    Souter said:

    I'm here to speak this evening because civic education in the United States is not good enough, and we have to do something about it. I want to speak about the risk to the constitutional government when a substantial portion of the American populace simply fails to gain that understanding. In particular, I'll ask you to consider the danger to judicial independence when people have no conception of how the judiciary fits within the constitutional scheme.

    Without some idea of separation of powers, limitations of power and the need to enforce those limits, the idea of judicial independence must be practically meaningless.

    A recent ACSblog symposium, "Souter's Clerks Speak," featured extensive analysis of the former justice's high court career.

  • June 12, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Kent Greenfield, Professor of Law and Law Fund Research Scholar, Boston College and is presently writing a book about choice and consent in law, politics and economics. Greenfield is a former Clerk to Justice David Souter (1994-95).

    Ever since President Obama announced that he would seek out an empathetic replacement for David Souter on the Supreme Court, the nation has engaged in a revealing debate about empathy. No one denies that empathy is an important quality for our daily lives, and something we should engender in our kids. But there is an honest disagreement about whether empathy is an appropriate qualification for a judge.

    Liberals like empathy, because compassion brings mercy, and mercy is seen as an important part of good judging. Conservatives denounce empathy, saying compassion breeds judicial activism. Law professor Steven Calabresi has warned that asking judges to be empathetic is like removing the blindfold from the iconic Lady Justice, allowing the judge to decide in favor of whichever perspective elicited more feelings of compassion.

    If empathy is simply a matter of being open to feeling a certain amount of sympathy for one party or the other, the conservatives may be right that it creates risks for a judicial institution. Judges might be too quick to base judgments on unacknowledged bias or prejudice.

    There is a better definition of empathy for the judicial context, however, that focuses not on how judges feel but how they think. This kind of empathy is not only beneficial for the institution, but crucial. And David Souter has embodied this kind of empathy in his tenure on the court. Let me explain.

  • June 11, 2009
    Guest Post


    By Ellen D. Katz, Professor of Law, University of Michigan Law School & former Clerk to Justice David Souter (1996-97)

    In the weeks since Justice David H. Souter announced his plans to retire, several commentators have observed that Souter opinions rarely include a "zinger" or otherwise quotable passage that might entertain the reader. This observation is not meant as a compliment. It has typically been followed by an expression of hope that Justice Souter's successor on the court will be more inclined than he was to couch ideas in catchy phrases and pithy expressions. For these critics, Judge Sotomayor must disappoint, for she writes opinions that are said to "avoid quotable language."

    Let them be disappointed. The Supreme Court of the United States is not an advertising agency and the job of a Supreme Court Justice is not to develop memorable slogans. True, various Justices have produced a number of enduring lines over the years, sentences or simple phrases that have succinctly captured some of our most fundamental beliefs. Recall Justice Jackson who wrote of "fixed stars" and prescribed orthodoxy to great effect, or Justice Holmes, who coined the phrase "clear and present danger" and sagely explained to us the relevance of Herbert Spencer's Social Statics.

    It is worth remembering, however, that often-quoted Justice Holmes also gave us the bone-chilling "three generations of imbeciles are enough" as well as a jarring assertion of judicial incapacity to address black disenfranchisement in Alabama. Holmes's claim that "the great mass of the white population intends to keep the blacks from voting" may have been empirically false at the time, but predicted the future with dead-on accuracy. By saying it, Holmes made it true.