Justice Antonin Scalia

  • January 24, 2011
    In advance of Rep. Michele Bachmann's first "Conservative Constitutional Seminar" today to be led by Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, the American Constitution Society has offered its cadre of constitutional experts as a resource to Congress, suggesting in letters delivered to Bachmann and House Speaker John Boehner Friday that ACS experts' "insight and understanding about all aspects of the Constitution" would help "broaden and enrich the discussion."

    In her letter to Bachmann, ACS Executive Director Caroline Fredrickson recognized the planned Constitution classes as an important opportunity "to ensure that Members of Congress and all Americans are familiar with the U.S. Constitution in its entirety."

    She noted, however, that the classes have been termed "Conservative Constitutional Seminars," "suggesting that you do not intend to provide members of Congress with a comprehensive understanding of the Constitution, but instead will offer an interpretive approach that yields results consistent with the political views of Tea Party Caucus members who are organizing the seminars."

    Several legal commentators have questioned the propriety of Scalia's participation in a closed-door Tea Party Caucus-hosted event.

    George Washington University law professor Jonathan Turley, who wrote a column in The Washington Post criticizing Scalia's appearance, told the Minneapolis Star Tribune that Scalia's participation in such an event "suggests an alliance between a conservative justice and a conservative member of Congress."

    Such a private seminar before legislators presents the opportunity for improper influence by Members of Congress who have interests in a host of cases coming before the court, adds Richard Painter, former Chief Ethics Lawyer for President George W. Bush.

    "A lot of what the Supreme Court does is decide whether what Congress does is constitutional," Painter told the Star Tribune, noting that Bachmann is one of 63 House members who are filing a brief in support of the Florida lawsuit challenging the health care reform law.

    A written statement to the Star Tribune from Supreme Court spokeswoman Kathy Arberg about Scalia's participation in the class "referred to the event as a ‘constitutional seminar,' leaving out the qualifier ‘conservative' used by Bachmann's office," the newspaper notes.

    In her letters to Boehner and Bachmann Friday, Fredrickson offered to expand the discussion by making available ACS experts to participate in these seminars, or to provide other ACS resources.

    "You may recall that Speaker Boehner, in his memo, ‘New Constitutional Authority Requirement for Legislation,' included ACS as a resource on constitutional issues," Fredrickson wrote. She encouraged both Boehner and Bachmann to take full advantage of the resources they had appropriately recommended to their fellow legislators.

    The letter to Bachmann is available here, and the letter to Boehner is here.

  • January 21, 2011
    Tea Partiers and so-called "constitutionalists" have, to a large extent, successfully convinced swaths of the nation that they are the great defenders of the Constitution, and that all who disagree are crazed, unpatriotic or traitors, likely all three, writes Garrett Epps for The Nation.

    In "Stealing the Constitution," Epps, a correspondent for the Atlantic and a law professor at the University of Baltimore School of Law, notes the "toxic coalition of Fox News talking heads, radio hosts, angry ‘patriot' groups and power-hungry right-wing politicians" helping to fuel "poisonous rubbish" about the Constitution.

    The Tea Party and other fringe rightists are promoting a seriously cramped Constitution, one frozen in time and limiting of government. "It's easy to understand why conservative politicians and judges are trying to align their political program with a strained reading of the Constitution: Social Security, Medicare, environmental protection and aid to education have broad popular support. Even the healthcare program, so reviled by the Republican Party, will be almost impossible to repeal using the legislative process," Epps writes. (Indeed, the rightist majority of the House did pass a measure repealing the landmark health care reform law this week, but was quickly called on its blatant political posturing.)

  • January 4, 2011
    Justice Antonin Scalia's claim that the U.S. Constitution does not protect women from discrimination has riled "women's rights activists," reports The Washington Post, and stirred some critical examination of the justice's much-touted method of constitutional interpretation.

    Last fall in an interview, recently published by the California Lawyer, Scalia said, "Certainly the Constitution does not require discrimination on the basis of sex. The only issue is whether it prohibits it. It doesn't. Nobody ever thought that that's what it meant. Nobody ever voted for that. If the current society wants to outlaw discrimination by sex, hey we have things called legislatures, and they enact things called laws. You don't need a constitution to keep things up-to-date. All you need is a legislature and a ballot box. You don't like the death penalty anymore, that's fine. You want a right to abortion? There's nothing in the Constitution about that. But that doesn't mean you cannot prohibit it. Persuade your fellow citizens it's a good idea and pass a law. That's what democracy is all about. It's not about nine superannuated judges who have been there too long, imposing these demands on society."

    Yale Law School professor Jack Balkin, in a Balkinization post, notes that Scalia's comments should not be news - he's provided similar commentary before. But Balkin writes that he does "have a few bones to pick with him about his originalist claims."

    Balkin writes:

    First, the central purpose of the Fourteenth Amendment was to guarantee equal citizenship and equality before the law for all citizens and for all persons. It does not simply ban discrimination based on race. The fact that the word race is not mentioned in the text (as it is in the fifteenth amendment) was quite deliberate.

    Scalia argues that the fourteenth amendment was not intended to prevent sex discrimination. That's not entirely true. The supporters of the fourteenth amendment did not think it would disturb the common law rules of coverture: under these rules women lost most of their common law rights upon marriage under the fiction that their legal identities were merged with their husbands. But these rules did not apply to single women. So in fact, the fourteenth amendment was intended to prohibit some forms of sex discrimination-- discrimination in basic civil rights against single women.

    ...

    Scalia argues that if contemporary generations want to protect women, they can pass antidiscrimination laws and nothing in the original understanding of the Constitution forbids this. But this is not quite correct. The federal government would not be able to pass civil rights laws protecting women from discrimination; only states and local governments could. That is because if judges followed what the Constitution's framers expected, federal regulatory power would be greatly constricted and, among other things, the Civil Rights Act of 1964's ban on sex discrimination would be unconstitutional because it would beyond federal power to enact. Justice Scalia would surely vote to uphold much federal legislation today (see his concurrence in the medical marijuana case, Gonzales v. Raich), but that is because he accepts the New Deal revolution, which he well knows is not consistent with original understandings about the scope of federal power. So Scalia's arguments about what modern majorities can do today rest on his view that a very significant proportion of constitutional understandings of the framers can simply be jettisoned because they make little sense in today's world. That is to say, he doesn't really believe in originalism either when it comes to a very wide array of cases concerning federal governmental power.

  • November 12, 2010

    Glenn Beck's latest rant against philanthropist George Soros included an attack on the American Constitution Society (ACS), in which Beck claimed ACS has received more than $14 million from Mr. Soros and that we use this money to work "in the shadows" to change the Constitution. Beck's conspiracy-laden world is indeed a scary one. There are only three things wrong with his charges: he can't add, he can't read, and he can't stop himself from talking nonsense. Here are the facts:

    Beck can't add. While the American Constitution Society is grateful for the generous support the Soros-funded Open Society Institute has given to support ACS's work, Beck's accounting of the amount of that support is wildly inaccurate. His invention of these numbers should be a first warning to anyone listening to him.

    Beck can't read. As "evidence" of ACS's mission, Beck highlights language from ACS's Constitutional Interpretation and Change Issue Group web page -- which he displayed on screen during his show. However, the language he purports to cite as evidence of ACS's goal of changing the Constitution does not exist and has never existed on that web page or any other page on the ACS site. What that page does say is the following:

  • April 28, 2010

    In the final oral argument of its 2009-10 Term, the Supreme Court questioned attorneys in Doe v. Reed as to whether the signatories of a petition referring an LGBT-equality measure to voters in Washington State have a constitutional right to remain anonymous. The ballot initiative was rejected by voters last November, permitting the state's domestic partnership laws to extend benefits to same-sex partners.

    Signatories of the petition were represented at the Court by James Bopp, who argued that the First Amendment protects them from having their names made public. As wryly mentioned in the Colbert Report clip below, the petitioners sought anonymity in the face of a state law which requires the publication of their names.

    Justice Antonin Scalia sharply questioned Bopp, as reported by SCOTUSblog's Lyle Denniston:  

    Declaring that the rough-and-tumble of democracy is not for the faint-hearted, what Scalia referred to as the "touchy, feely" sensitivity of some political activists, the Justice said "you can't run a democracy" with political activity behind a First Amendment shroud. "You are asking us to enter into a whole new field," Scalia told James Bopp Jr., the lawyer for Washington State signers of an anti-gay rights petition. Politics, the Justice went on, "takes a certain amount of civic courage. The First Amendment does not protect you from civic discourse - or even from nasty phone calls."