Judicial Vacancies

  • March 4, 2013

    by Kristine Kippins

    In a recent piece for The Washington Post retired federal appeals court Judge Patricia M. Wald cogently explains why the Senate needs to confirm some judges for one of the nation’s most important courts – the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit. Judge Wald served 20 years on that court five of them as its chief judge. In part of her argument that the Senate needs to fill vacancies on that court, she noted the court’s swelling caseload.

    But swiftly after the column was published the National Review Online’s Ed Whelan left out or glossed over some facts to conclude that the numbers cited in Wald’s column were “fuzzy.”  

    Judge Wald’s column made a strong case against wobbly claims that the D.C. Circuit’s caseload is not high enough to warrant new judges. Whelan writes, “I don’t know what numbers Wald is using, but I suspect that she -- or whoever is feeding her the numbers -- may be using inconsistent denominators to generate the supposed growth.”

    Whelan argues that the caseload per judge has not increased substantially since 2005. According to him, in 2005, there were 1,463 pending cases (as of September 30, 2005), which, divided by the nine judges who were active for the full year before September 30, 2005, equals 163 pending cases per active judge in 2005. In 2013, there are 1,315 pending cases (as of September 30, 2012), which, divided by the eight judges who were active for the full year before September 30, 2012, equals 164 pending cases per active judge in 2013. Thus concluding, the caseload per active judge has not actually changed.

    The truth is that when Thomas Griffith was confirmed to the 11th seat on June 14, 2005, there were 1,313 pending cases in the Circuit (as of March 30, 2005). His appointment yielded 119 pending cases per active judge. 

    Now, there are only seven active judges on the D.C. Circuit, not the eight Whelan claims. He failed to note that Judge David Sentelle took senior status Feb. 12 of this year. When you divide the number of currently pending cases (1,315) by the seven active judges, you get 188 pending cases per active judge. 

    It makes far more sense to use the March numbers rather than the September statistics as there were 75 days between March 30 and Griffith’s confirmation, and 108 days between Griffith’s confirmation and the date Whelan uses. There is nothing inconsistent about Wald’s math. Whelan should concern himself less with using consistent denominators and focus more on using the correct ones.

  • January 30, 2013
    Guest Post

    by Russell Wheeler, Visiting Fellow, The Brookings Institution

    My recent ACS Issues Brief was not overly optimistic about the likely efficacy of various proposals to speed the nomination and confirmation of district and circuit judges in President Obama’s second term. Any significant changes, for that matter, stand little chance of adoption in the midst of contentious confirmation battles.

    A modest change to Senate procedures, though, adopted after the Brief was prepared, may shorten the time between district nominees’ Judiciary Committee hearings and any floor votes to confirm the nominations.

    Judicial nomination processing times in Obama’s first term increased substantially over those in the first terms of Presidents Clinton and Bush -- 223 days on average from nomination to confirmation for district judges, compared to 93 days for Clinton’s first term district appointees and 155 for Bush’s. And unlike in the Clinton and Bush first terms, the bulk of the time that Obama’s appointees waited came after their Judiciary Committee hearings. Once Clinton’s appointees got hearings, they waited only 30 days for their confirmation votes. Bush’s district appointees waited 54 days. Obama’s first term district appointees, by contrast, waited an average of 142 days.

    Near-eight month average wait times from nomination to confirmation have several deleterious effects, especially when combined with the over a year wait time on average between the vacancy (or its announcement) and the nomination. For one thing, obviously, a vacant judgeship is not a productive judgeship. Moreover the time potential nominees wait as senators and the White House jostle over whom to nominate, and the time actual nominees spend waiting for hearings and floor votes, can put their professional lives in limbo. Potential clients will be wary of signing on with a lawyer who’s being talked about for a judgeship, much less one whose nomination is before the Senate. Even state judges, term-limited federal judges, and government and public defender lawyers may be reluctant to become the object of extended delay and public speculation. In short, the nomination and confirmation process discourages some quality potential judges from putting themselves forward as candidates and thus serves itself as a barrier to filling vacancies.

  • November 28, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    While lawmakers in Washington are consumed with reaching a budget deal, avoiding the so-called fiscal cliff, the president -- also engaged in the budget battle -- is nonetheless moving ahead on other fronts, such as trying to fill vacancies on the federal bench, which spiked during his first term largely because of Sen. Mitch McConnell’s obstructionist ways.

    The president is also continuing his efforts to diversify a bench that is still dominated by white men. Among the president’s recent nominations is Nitza I. Quiñones Alejandro for a seat on the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. If confirmed she would be the “first openly gay Hispanic woman to serve on the bench,” LGBTQ Nation reports. The president’s efforts to create a more representative federal bench contrasts with House Republican leaders who were unable or unwilling to select a woman for the chamber’s major committees, instead,  as noted by The Huffington Post’s Jennifer Bendery, all the new committee chairs are white men.

    People For the American Way’s Marge Baker lauded Obama’s judicial selections, saying they “are emblematic of the president’s commitment to nominating qualified, diverse nominees to the federal bench.”

    It appears, however, that Republican leaders in the Senate, for the most part, are not in any rush to fill the vacancies, even though 34 of them are deemed judicial emergencies, meaning the courts are overworked, understaffed. With too many vacancies and overworked judges it makes it incredibly difficult for the justice system to function.

    But more than 23 national public interest groups are urging Senate leaders to stop dawdling on judicial nominations. In a Nov. 27 letter to Sen. Majority Leader Harry Reid and Minority Leader McConnell, the groups say that 19 pending nominations should be voted on before the next Congress.

  • September 24, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The Republican effort to avoid filling judicial vacancies in the hopes of gaining more political power in November continues unabated, but not without justifiably sharp criticism.

    Senate Republicans’ agenda of obstructing everything Obama may be simple and nakedly political, but obstruction of judicial nominations is also disastrous for the nation’s court system. The Senate left town with more than 75 vacancies on the federal bench, many of them deemed emergency vacancies by the Administrative Office of the U.S. Courts of the federal bench.   

    Last week the Republicans blocked Sen. Majority Leader Harry Reid’s effort to force votes on 17 district court nominations, and left town for a recess after confirming only two. The Senate confirmed Gonzalo Curiel for a seat on the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of California and Robert Shelby to fill a vacancy on the U.S. District Court for the District of Utah. Both nominees were recommended for confirmation by the Senate Judiciary Committee about five months ago.

    In a press release, containing a list of pending nominations and a lengthy statement, Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) blasted the Republicans’ intransigence. The obstruction of the judicial nominations is yet another example of “Senate Republicans putting partisanship ahead of the interests of the American people,” Leahy said. “I have served in the Senate for 37 years, and I have never seen so many judicial nominees, reported with bipartisan support, be denied a simple up-or-down voter for four months, five months, six months, even 11 months.”

  • April 12, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    The nation’s growing income inequality, among other issues concerning the economy, should play a significant role in the presidential election, but writing for The Nation, Ari Berman delves into why the Supreme Court should also be “a major issue in November.”

    The Supreme Court is simply not balanced. The court has been shoved far to the right. Berman cites Nate Silver’s reporting for The New York Times on a recent study that “finds that the current court is the most conservative since at least the 1930s.”

    The Martin-Quinn Scores, which Silver rendered in two charts, also “imply that, on the basis of its median justice, the current court is farther from the ideological center than any recent court. For instance, it is farther from the center than the liberal courts of the late 1960s that were under Chief Justice Earl Warren.”

    And beyond deciding whether health care reform will stand or fall, the Roberts Court is likely to consider a slew of major issues in the “not-so-distant future,” Berman writes. Some of these concerns include affirmative action policy, voting rights, marriage equality and reproductive rights. (As Berman notes, Republican state lawmakers have passed numerous onerous restrictions on reproductive rights over the last few years.)

    The right already gets it. Leaders of the conservative movement have obsessed over the make-up the federal courts and the high court in particular, for decades. And those leaders haven’t stopped obsessing. Berman notes that NRA leader Wayne LaPierre declared, in hyperbolic fashion, at this year’s Conservative Political Action Committee, “If Obama wins re-election, he will likely appoint one – and perhaps three – more Supreme Court justices. It’ll be the end of our freedom forever.”