Judge Brett Kavanaugh

  • October 15, 2012

    By E. Sebastian Arduengo

    One of the country’s most significant federal appeals courts has morphed into a hotbed of activist judges striking longstanding federal regulations, says columnist Steven Pearlstein. And at a time when some corporations claim they are hesitant to hire because of regulatory uncertainty.

    (The U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit  is so important because it has the responsibility of reviewing most of the rules and interpretative decisions made by federal agencies in the capital. It has also been seen as the U.S. Supreme Court’s farm team, as Chief Justice Roberts and Justices Scalia, Thomas, and Ginsburg are all former D.C. circuit judges.)

    For example, The Washington Post columnist Pearlstein notes that just before Labor day, Judge Brett Kavanaugh, an appointee of President George W. Bush and possible Supreme Court contender under a Republican administration, issued a ruling in Homer City Generation v. EPA. The case involved the Cross-State Air Pollution Rule, where the EPA was trying to regulate the amount of pollution states could dump on other, “downwind” states. As Pearlstein puts it, from Kavanaugh’s decision, “You’d have no idea that hundreds of dedicated, highly trained scientists, analysts and statisticians at the EPA might have spent more than a decade devoted to the extremely complex task of figuring out how much of the ozone or sulfur dioxide in the air in Rhode Island originated in Indiana.”

  • October 12, 2012

    by Jeremy Leaming

    Just as the nation is beset with invidious and widespread voter fraud, according to rightwing pundits and activists, there exists little, if any, intent among state lawmakers to suppress the vote of certain groups of people, like minorities.

    But in reality claims of voter fraud are wobbly, for there’s not much evidence it actually exists and racial discrimination whether overt or latent most certainly continues to hinder the nation’s long and difficult march toward full equality for all.

    Earlier this week a three-judge panel of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia blocked South Carolina’s voter ID law, R54, from being implemented for the 2012 elections. The federal court found that state election officials did not have sufficient time to implement the law in compliance with Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, which prohibits states from implementing laws that have the intent or the effect “of denying or abridging the right to vote on account of race or color.” Section 5 requires states and localities with histories of denying minorities the right to vote, South Caroline is one such state, to get “pre-clearance” from the federal court in D.C. or the Department of Justice.   

    The federal court in South Carolina v. U.S. granted pre-clearance for S.C.’s voter ID law for future elections, but only after S.C. lawmakers had made revisions to the law to ensure it did not subvert the Voting Rights Act. In addition the court noted that racial discrimination still exists in this nation and highlighted the importance of the law’s Sec. 5 pre-clearance provision.

    In the majority opinion, Judge Brett Kavanaugh emphasized the continued need for Sec. 5, saying, “Racial insensitivity, racial bias, and indeed outright racism are still problems throughout the United States as of 2012. We see that reality on an all-too-frequent basis.”

    And the only reason the S.C. voter ID law won pre-clearance for future elections rested primarily on changes to the law that provided for a “reasonable impediment provision,” which is meant to “ensure that all voters of all races with non-photo voter registration cards continue to have access to the polling place to the same degree they did under” the state’s previous voter ID law. The reasonable impediment provision is supposed to allow voters who show up at their precincts without a photo ID to still cast a provisional ballot if they sign an affidavit saying why they could not obtain an ID, such as inability to travel to an office to get the ID, illness, work-related matters, among other subjective reasons. And the provisional ballot, according to how the law has been interpreted, will be counted unless evidence surfaces that an affidavit is false.

    But Media Matters’ Sergio Muñoz points out that some rightwing media are, perhaps not surprisingly, claiming that the decision is actually a ringing endorsement of the need to kill Sec. 5 of the Voting Rights Act.

  • September 26, 2011
    Guest Post

    By Simon Lazarus, Public Policy Counsel to the Federal Rights Project of the National Senior Citizens Law Center, frequent contributor to ACSblog, participant in ACS programs, and author of two ACS Issue Briefs on the legal challenges to the Affordable Care Act. Those Issue Briefs are available here and here.


    Last Friday, Sept. 23, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit heard oral arguments on the constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) individual mandate to carry health insurance or pay a tax penalty. Major media barely covered the event, perhaps afflicted by ACA litigation fatigue (three circuits have already ruled on the issue). This is unfortunate, because, from the outset, the argument took an unexpected turn, with potentially significant implications for the outcome of the ACA cases.

    The two Republicans on the three-judge panel, Reagan appointee Laurence Silberman and Bush II appointee Brett Kavanaugh, displayed in-depth grasp and even sympathy for arguments supporting the mandate. During the first half of the session, when attorney Edward White of the conservative advocacy group American Center for Law & Justice outlined his case for overturning the mandate, they fired more, and more aggressive, questions than did the third member of the panel, Jimmy Carter appointee Harry Edwards. To be sure, when the Justice Department’s turn came, the two Republican appointees threw equally probing – if somewhat more predictable – challenges at Deputy Assistant Attorney General Beth Brinkmann. Moreover, they appeared less than satisfied with Brinkmann’s answers on some key issues. But, against the backdrop of opinions upholding the mandate by respected Republican judges Stanley Marcus (in dissent on the Eleventh Circuit) and, especially, Jeffrey Sutton (in the majority on the Sixth Circuit), Friday’s argument suggests that, among Republican appellate judges with legal and political throw-weight – which both Silberman and Kavanaugh possess – there may be substantial resistance to overturning the ACA mandate. At a minimum, neither judge showed an appetite for reflexively parroting Republican talking points, along the lines of the Virginia and Florida district court decisions that struck the mandate down last December and January.