John Ashcroft

  • October 18, 2010
    The Supreme Court may "decide whether former Atty. Gen. John Ashcroft is entirely shielded from claims that he misused the law to arrest terrorism suspects under false pretenses," reports the Los Angeles Times' David Savage.

    In Ashcroft v. Al-Kidd, the high court today announced it will hear an appeal of a federal court ruling that said a lawsuit against Ashcroft could proceed. As noted by Savage, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit refused to dismiss Abdullah al-Kidd's lawsuit against Ashcroft. The appeals court said it was "repugnant to the Constitution" for the government to maintain that it "has the power to arrest and detain or restrict American citizens for months on end, in sometimes primitive conditions, not because they have committed a crime, but merely because the government wants to investigate them for possible wrongdoing."

    Al-Kidd was arrested by federal officials at Dulles international Airport in 2003 and held as a "material witness" in another case. Kidd, a U.S. citizen, was eventually released. Represented by the ACLU, Al-Kidd sued Ashcroft alleging that his civil rights had been violated. His lawsuit says he was "strip-searched repeatedly and shackled for more than two weeks in a high-security cell where the lights were kept on," the Times reports.

    In a press statement regarding the high court's decision to hear the case, the ACLU asserts that Al-Kidd was "released under onerous conditions that included confining his travel to four states, surrendering his passport and reporting to probation officers."

    Lee Gelernt, deputy director of the ACLU Immigrants' Rights Project and lead attorney for al-Kidd, said "Arresting and detaining someone for an extended period of time without probable cause to believe he violated the law goes against the most basic principles on which our country is founded. The appeals court made it very clear that former Attorney General Ashcroft could be held personally responsible if he used the material witness law to circumvent the Constitution's longstanding rule that a suspect may not be arrested without probable cause of wrongdoing."

    The Obama administration appealed the Ninth Circuit's decision, arguing for absolute immunity from prosecution for top law enforcement officials.

  • September 4, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Shahid Buttar, Executive Director, Bill of Rights Defense Committee (BORDC) & Amy Ferrer, Associate Director, BORDC

    Government surveillance of First Amendment-protected speech and political activism unfortunately boasts a long and sordid history in the United States. Well before its resurgence under the Bush administration-and unfortunate continuation under the current administration-a pattern of political surveillance and infiltration has periodically recurred across multiple periods in American history, and by a variety of institutional actors.

    The politically motivated "Palmer Raids" of 1919-1921 by the Department of Justice and Immigration and Naturalization Service targeted left-wing activist. The disruption and character assassination activities of the FBI's infamous Counter-Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO) targeted civil rights and other progressive groups from 1956-1971. And more recently, state & federal authorities have monitored and infiltrated peace, environmental and civil rights groups around the country. These investigative methods deeply threaten constitutional rights and should raise alarms, especially if they reflect systemic bias rather than isolated abuses.

    Soon after the 9/11 attacks, then-Attorney General John Ashcroft authorized the FBI to dramatically expand its domestic surveillance activities. He expanded that authority again in 2003, and former Attorney General Michael Mukasey followed suit with further expansions in December, 2008. Ostensibly crafted to enhance counterterrorism efforts, the resulting surveillance came to serve political purposes: in at least several cases, it was directed against activist groups and individuals advancing goals opposed to those of the Bush administration.

  • May 28, 2009
    Guest Post

    By Anthony F. Renzo, Professor of Law, Vermont Law School. Professor Renzo specializes in constitutional law and litigation.
    In what can only be described as results oriented decision-making of the worst sort, a divided Supreme Court in Ashcroft v. Iqbal, went the extra mile to protect high-ranking federal officials from accountability for their unlawful conduct. The case involved a Bivens damage action by Javaid Iqbal, a former inmate of a super-max prison in New York, alleging that a number of federal officials, including Attorney General John Ashcroft and FBI Director Robert Mueller, violated his rights under the First and Fifth Amendments when they created a policy that assigned Iqbal to a harsh-treatment detention facility solely because he is an Arab Muslim.

    In reversing the ruling of the Second Circuit, the Court's five most conservative members ignored precedent and reversed longstanding policy in a head-long rush to protect Ashcroft and Mueller (right) from answering for their discriminatory actions. In the process the Court ended all supervisor liability for federal officials under Bivens even though various forms of such liability were conceded by the Government and recognized by all federal circuits that had addressed the issue.

    The majority did not stop, however, with protecting supervisory federal officials from constitutional accountability. The opinion, written by Justice Kennedy, went further and also found that even if, as alleged by Iqbal, Ashcroft and Mueller were not acting as mere supervisors, but were personally involved in designing a intentionally discriminatory policy, such allegations were insufficient under Rule 8 to state a claim because they were too general to be afforded the assumption of truth when ruling on a motion to dismiss. Using its newly minted "plausibility" test for interpreting Rule 8's notice pleading standards, the majority, in effect, required Iqbal to do the impossible and include behind-the-scenes factual detail in his complaint to withstand a motion to dismiss. This one-two punch - no supervisor liability and a new Rule 8 plus pleading standard requiring factual detail known only to the government - will place most high-ranking federal officials beyond the reach of judicial remedies for constitutional violations.