By Scott Phillips, associate professor in the Department of Sociology and Criminology, University of Denver. Phillips is author of a recent ACS Issue Brief, Hire A Lawyer, Escape the Death Penalty?
Since the Supreme Court reinstated capital punishment in the landmark 1976 case of Gregg v Georgia, 1,195 people have been executed in the United States. Texas is often considered the epicenter of the death penalty, accounting for 449 executions. But executions are not evenly distributed across Texas. Harris County - home to Houston - is the true capital of capital punishment. With 112 executions, Harris County has executed about the same number of offenders as all of the other major urban counties in Texas, combined. In fact, if Harris County were a state it would rank second in executions after Texas.
Perhaps not coincidentally, Harris County is also the 
largest jurisdiction in the nation to use the appointment method of indigent defense - meaning the judge assigns a private defense attorney to the case. Critics have argued that the appointment method is plagued by five problems: (1) flat fee compensation (defense counsel receives a standard fee regardless of the number of hours worked, so each hour of work reduces the rate of compensation and detracts from private clients); (2) the potential for insufficient support services (defense counsel must receive approval from the judge to hire support services such as investigators and experts); (3) a potential conflict of interest for the defense attorney (defense counsel's personal income depends on remaining in the good graces of the judge to secure future appointments); (4) a potential conflict of interest for the judge (the judge must balance the defense counsel's requests for support services with the county commissioner's requests to control the costs of indigent defense; the judge must also consider the possibility that generous spending on indigent defense could hurt his/her chances of re-election); and (5) questionable appointment practices (some evidence suggests that judges occasionally make appointments for inappropriate reasons, such as whether the potential appointee is a friend or campaign contributor).
Despite such serious criticisms, researchers have not answered the most basic questions: Do procedural problems produce differences in case outcomes? Is the district attorney (DA) more likely to seek death against defendants who have appointed counsel? Is the jury more likely to impose death against defendants who have appointed counsel? Put differently, is the appointment method merely procedurally flawed or truly a matter of life and death?